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We investigate the optimal size of a nation in the context of a portfolio choice model under uncertainty. With an equal sharing rule, we characterize the equilibrium coalition structure, which is shown to depend on income, risks, and market correlations. Specifically, coalitions are likely to form among regions with similar variance in income and among regions with negative market correlations. The conditions that yield a grand coalition, two sub-coalitions of different sizes, and singletons are derived. Moreover, the equilibrium coalition structures are also examined when geographical contiguity is required.  相似文献   

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Duchacek  Ivo D. 《Publius》1988,18(2):5-31
This article focuses on the thirteen-odd bicommunal politiesin which two, and only two, distinct communities dominate thepolitical arena. The concept of a bicommunal polity is analyticalrather than statistical. Permanent asymmetry characterizingthe two components makes a simple majoritarian formula for decisionmakingprocesses unacceptable. What other decisional frameworks havea greater chance for success: federalism, federalism with aheavy dose of confederal ingredients, regional confederation,consociationalism or secession? A confederal modification offederalism has so far appeared as more acceptable to two asymmetricand antagonistic polities than a concept of a federal unionwith its commitment to an overarching cultural-political nationalunion. The high failure rate of bicommunal configurations pointsalso to the necessity to relate the inner working of bicommunalpolities to international balancing processes and/or supportor abstinence of "blood-related" nation-states.  相似文献   

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Vertical Competition in Unitary States: The Case of Italy   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Breton  Albert  Fraschini  Angela 《Public Choice》2003,114(1-2):57-77
In unitary states – states in whichconstitutional powers are owned by thecentral government – vertical competitioncan generate stable outcomes, that isoutcomes that do not unravel througharbitrary repossessions by the center.Stability is a product of institutionalcommitment devices. Through these ademocratic government, though it cannotbind successor governments, can effectivelyoblige them to respect some of thedecisions it has made. A number of suchcommitment devices exist in Italy; theymake possible stable vertical competitionbetween central and regional governments.  相似文献   

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Cutler  Fred 《Publius》2004,34(2):19-38
Because federalism can be a threat to accountability, a modelof voting behavior in federations must accommodate voters' attributionsof responsibility to each order of government for policy outcomes.This study uses a panel survey of Canadians in both federaland provincial elections to ask whether voters are able to holdgovernments accountable in a federal context. Voters may ignoreissues where responsibility is unclear, they may reward or punishboth the federal and provincial governments to the same degree,or the confusion of jurisdiction may sour them on the governmentor even the political system. Canadians who blamed both governmentsfor problems in health care did not lake this judgment to theirvoting decision in either the 2000 federal election or the 2001elections in Alberta and British Columbia, while those who couldidentify primary responsibility did so. Federalism and intergovernmentalpolicymaking may reduce voters' ability to hold their governmentsaccountable.  相似文献   

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我们生活在一个即时品(instants)世界,从速溶咖啡到即时短信.当令社会不容迟疑,指望一切都来得快一点,再快一点.在这个意义上,外交显然是无法跟上时代的步伐,难以满足公众的期望.  相似文献   

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中国和美国分别是单一制和联邦制国家结构模式的典型代表,两国政府体制的核心制度背景、两国的国内政府间关系、行政权的空间划分和政府结构形式都呈现出巨大的迥异之处,并且发挥出各自所具有的优势作用。从两国建国初的一段历史中,可以最清晰地看到各自的民族历史、制度渊源和理论背景等因素所彰显出的对于国家结构模式的影响和发挥出的决定作用。随着历史的发展,单一制和联邦制都在积极打破原有的制度界限,有走向融合的趋势。  相似文献   

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Revenue constraints, demands for increased services, and rapidly increasing utilization of data processing have led large municipalities to effect significant changes in their budgeting/financial management processes and procedures. Based upon results from a survey of all cities in the United States with a population of 100,000 or greater, the author discusses the impact of such changes.  相似文献   

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The aim of this article is to investigate to what extent small‐firm foreign patents differ from those of their larger counterparts. The research setting consists of the population of U.S.‐owned small and large businesses with patent applications at the World International Patent Organization during 1996–2006 in the emerging field of nanotechnology. Findings reveal a significant and growing contribution of small firms to the globalization of patents. The analysis also suggests that small‐firm patents tend to be more novel and embedded in domestic innovation networks than large‐firm patents. Policy implications are multiple, including putting international patenting on the policy agenda and helping highly innovative small companies to explore foreign commercial opportunities in new markets of capital and technology.  相似文献   

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From a Small to a Large Minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
'It takes a critical mass of women, e.g. 30 percent, to make a difference in polities' This statement is common today, even among women politicians themselves. However, the theory of the importance of the relative size of the minority has not been sufficiently developed in political science. Based on the experience of women in Scandinavian politics (today being a minority of about 30 percent), the article discusses six areas for which an increase in the proportion of the minority might lead to changes in for instance the political culture, the political discourse or the reaction to women as politicians. The article suggests that the concept of a critical mass is replaced by one of critical acts , which would seem to be more relevant when studying human beings.  相似文献   

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Lawrence Sáez 《管理》2016,29(1):47-65
What political variables explain variations in subnational fiscal expenditures on interest payments on the debt? The author argues that the political budget cycle and center‐right political party ideology—rather than the effective number of parties, alternation of power, ideological proximity between the central government and constituent units, or most forms of political party ideology—can help explain the level of expenditures on interest payment of subnational debt in India. The core empirical finding is that significant increases in expenditures on the debt occur the year in which a state assembly election is held in India.  相似文献   

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《政治学》1997,17(3):141-146
This article will examine the constituent elements of minority identity and the impact of minority issues on states and the international system. Focusing on central Europe, it will analyse the points of contact between minorities, and states and international organisations, considering the reasons why minority issues are excluded from the international agenda.  相似文献   

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Who are the people who should govern themselves in a democracy? This is the famous boundary problem to which this article offers a new approach. Most democrats, even nationalists and cosmopolitans, delimit the demos by relying on territorial jurisdictions. However, territory is not explicit in their arguments. This article urges democrats to recognize territory's normative importance rather than overlook the role it already plays in their theories. Acknowledging territory is a risky, yet promising, strategy. Risky, because it may lead to a vicious circle: one needs well‐defined territorial borders to delimit the people, yet one needs a well‐defined people to establish legitimate territorial borders. Promising, because it forces democrats to scrutinize implicit assumptions and find new resources for dealing with the vicious circle. The article describes four possible tacks by which theorists could navigate the waters of people, territory, and legitimacy in democracies: asserting, circumventing, solving, and dissolving the circle.  相似文献   

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Waugh  William L.  Jr. 《Publius》1988,18(1):189-198
This study indicates that there is a high level of confidenceamong county representatives that state officials will be responsiveto local needs, but less confidence in state willingness toprovide fiscal support for programs. The preference for continuedfederal funding of programs is strongly evident. County representativesfeel that their policymaking and administrative responsibilitiesare increasing but that their fiscal (taxing and borrowing)capacities are not being expanded as quickly. The highest levelsof trust in state officials were found among those county representativeswho perceived the greatest increases in local government capacitiesto respond to local problems.  相似文献   

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This study examines the role of human rights violations as a harbinger of civil wars to come, as well as the links between repression, state weakness, and conflict. Human rights violations are both part of the escalating process that may end in civil war and can contribute to an escalation of conflict to civil war, particularly in weak states. The role of government repression and state weakness in leading to civil war is tested empirically. The results show that both closely correlate with civil war onset, especially if they are observed in combination. A two-stage model shows that, while low-level conflict leads to human rights violations, they increase the risk of an escalation to civil war in turn. Human rights violations are identified as an important aspect of understanding civil war onset as the result of an escalation over time and a clear early warning sign of wars to come.  相似文献   

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