Charting a course through difficult legislative waters: tribunal decisions on life-sustaining measures

Since the enactment in Queensland of the Powers of Attorney Act 1998 (Qld) and the Guardianship and Administration Act 2000 (Qld), a decision can be made to withhold or withdraw life-sustaining medical treatment from an adult who lacks capacity to make such decisions for herself or himself. The Guardianship and Administration Tribunal of Queensland has been asked to consider the law in relation to these decisions on a number of occasions since the legislation was passed. This article explores the relevant provisions of these statutes and some of the difficulties that arise from how they are currently drafted. It also examines how the Guardianship and Administration Tribunal has dealt with applications to withhold or withdraw life-sustaining measures, and suggests a course that might avoid some of the difficulties that are inherent in Queensland's legislative regime.     

对话辨共识争鸣求精进

一、研究概况 据不完全统计,2006年民商法学界出版学术著作达七十余种,包括王利明著<我国民法典重大疑难问题之研究>;梁慧星主编<中国民法典草案建议稿附理由·债权总则编>及<中国民法典草案建议稿附理由·亲属编>;徐国栋著<人性论与市民法>;申卫星著<期待权基本理论研究>;孙宪忠著<争议与思考——物权立法笔记>;崔建远著<论争中的渔业权>;韩世远著<履行障碍法的体系>;杨立新著<侵权行为法>及<人格权法>;张新宝著<机动车交通事故责任强制保险条例理解与适用>;甘培忠著<公司控制权的正当行使>;蔡元庆著<董事的经营责任研究>;姚德年著<我国上市公司监事会制度研究>等等.创作之丰硕,可谓"一任满庭芬芳".限于篇幅,恕不一一罗列.     

Disability, disparate impact, and class actions

Following Title VII's enactment, group-based employment discrimination actions flourished due to disparate impact theory and the class action device. Courts recognized that subordination that defined a group's social identity was also sufficient legally to bind members together, even when relief had to be issued individually. Woven through these cases was a notion of panethnicity that united inherently unrelated groups into a common identity, for example, Asian Americans. Stringent judicial interpretation subsequently eroded both legal frameworks and it has become increasingly difficult to assert collective employment actions, even against discriminatory practices affecting an entire group. This deconstruction has immensely disadvantaged persons with disabilities. Under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), individual employee claims to accommodate specific impairments, such as whether to install ramps or replace computer screens, have all but eclipsed a coherent theory of disability-based disparate impact law. Moreover, the class action device has been virtually nonexistent in disability discrimination employment cases. The absence of collective action has been especially harmful because the realm of the workplace is precisely where group-based remedies are needed most. Specifically, a crucial but overlooked issue in disability integration is the harder-to-reach embedded norms that require job and policy modifications. The Article argues that pandisability theory serves as an analogue to earlier notions of panethnicity and provides an equally compelling heuristic for determining class identity. It shows that pandisability undergirds ADA public service and public accommodation class actions in which individualized remedy assessments have been accepted as part of group-based challenges to social exclusion. The Article also demonstrates that this broader vision of collective action is consistent with the history underlying the class action device. Taking advantage of the relatively blank slate of writing on group-based disability discrimination, it offers an intrepid vision of the ADA's potential for transforming workplace environments. In advocating for a return to an earlier paradigm of collective action in the disability context, the Article also provides some thoughts on challenging race- and sex-based discrimination. Future workplace policies should plan for "all jobs to include some physical activity" unrelated to job qualifications in order to "dissuade unhealthy people from coming to work at Wal-Mart."     

Soft budgets and hard rents: a note on Kornai and Gomulka

This note shows how Kornai's concept of the soft budget constraint can be decomposed into separate elements of technical inefficiency and relative price distortion. The distinction between r-budget softness and m-budget softness introduced by Gomulka is shown to correspond to the equivalent and compensating variation measures of efficiency loss. It is also argued that budget softness should be viewed as the outcome of a rent-seeking process in which a firm's action in the control sphere incurs an opportunity cost in the real sphere. Adopting such a perspective leads to a re-definition of the resource loss associated with budget softness and results in much higher estimates of the social costs of soft budgets than those proposed in the existing literature.     

Woman's Right to Know Act: a legislative history

This article provides a comprehensive legislative history of North Carolina's Woman's Right to Know Act of 2011. The Act requires informed consent and a mandatory twenty-four hour waiting period for abortion, thus protecting a woman's right to make an informed choice. Informed consent provisions and mandatory waiting periods give individuals making decisions the information and time necessary to make informed choices. The Act further provides that an ultrasound be performed and explained no less than four hours and no more than seventy-two hours before the abortion. The article first provides a brief overview of sources of legislative history recognized in North Carolina. It then details the history of the Woman's Right to Know Act, from the first informed consent bill introduced in 1981, to the passage of the 201l law, and to the federal court case that followed. Finally it provides specific objections that were raised against the bill and responses to each. Legislators considering similar legislation need to be aware of the opposition they inevitably will encounter when passing such a bill. The author expects that this history and the ultimate success of North Carolina will encourage other states' legislators and lawyers and give them the tools to make their case effectively.     

Engaging the demand dynamic: promoting internal forces for reform through targeted legislative strengthening support

Institutional reform or development happens when those within the organisation want that development and are willing to commit the time, effort and necessary resources under their control to support it. This may be referred to as the will for development. Over the years, a general strategy for legislative development has emerged in which the will for development is enlisted in one or more of three ways: mapping, incentivising, and creating demand. These efforts focus on identifying the will for development independent of the legislative strengthening project itself. This paper will explore how success in supporting the budget process by the United States Agency for International Development-funded Afghanistan Parliamentary Assistance Programme enhanced and/or created the will for further development within that legislature. The paper will demonstrate how budget process support can be used to engage a broader constituency of committees and civil society organisations, creating a self-sustaining reform dynamic to be referred to as the demand dynamic.     

New tainted-blood class actions in Québec and Alberta

In two cases in Québec and Alberta, people infected with HIV and HCV through infected blood and blood products have successfully defended motions to strike out all or parts of their legal actions against federal and provincial governments and the Canadian Red Cross Society (CRCS). On 16 January 2003, the Québec Superior Court ruled that the plaintiffs in a class action could rely on the Krever Commission Report in their application for certification of a class proceeding. On 20 February 2003, the Alberta Court of Queen's Bench dismissed an application brought by the Canadian and Alberta governments to strike out the legal action brought against them. These cases illustrate that the settlement schemes proposed by the federal and provincial governments and the CRCS, and approved by the courts, have not put an end to the civil and constitutional claims brought by people seeking compensation for infection through tainted blood.     

The costs of class actions: allocation and collective redress in the US experience

Once a preserve of the American legal landscape, the class action device today transcends geographic boundaries. In the past decade, efforts have intensified to establish collective litigation instruments in diverse legal terrains outside the United States—including Europe—often with the common goal of allowing some form of collective legal redress while avoiding perceived disadvantages of class actions in the American experience. Today more than ever, from legislators to litigants to scholars, European reformers face the challenge—and the opportunity—of making fundamental choices about the scope and shape of the collective legal remedies they wish to make available. Choices about the shape of the class action device reflect foundational judgments about the proper allocation of costs, and there is much from the US experience that can inform Europe’s prospective reformers. This article describes the history and current status of class action rules in the US, and then compares class actions and another form of extra-compensatory damages—one type of punitive damages—as means of doing the same thing. Although neither punitive damages of this sort nor class actions generally have traditionally existed in civil law systems, they both—and especially this particular form of punitive damages—can, from an economic view, be made to vindicate the same kind of social cost accounting goals. By considering these legal devices together, we hope to shed light on crucial choices facing Europe as it grapples with how best to provide collective legal redress in light of the lessons of the US experience with class actions.     

Casework,issues and voting in state legislative elections: a district analysis

Congressional research has addressed questions regarding the electoral consequences of service and policy responsiveness, as well as whether service responsiveness eliminates the need for policy responsiveness. However, less is known about the criteria by which constituents reward their state representatives. Part of the problem with resolving these questions at the state level has been the absence of data, since individual-level data on state legislative districts are hard to find and are unlikely to combine measures of both kinds of responsiveness. This study utilises data gathered in a particular state legislator's district (both data on actual member–constituent contacts and survey data) to discern more explicitly whether ombudsman service and constituent issue proximity to the incumbent affects vote choice. Our findings support the proposition that like their counterparts in Congress, state representatives prosper when paying attention to both service and policy responsiveness; however, we find convincing evidence that casework enables state legislators to gain support from constituents who otherwise would not vote for them.     

舍法求法与媒体正义--从敬一丹的《声音》说起

一、主持人与主审官 二、舍法求法与天然权利 三、力量与威望 四、道德责任与职业分工 《声音》是敬一丹的一本书。书里的“声音”,由数以万计 “看也不忍,不看也不忍”(第 2页 )的观众来信汇成。来信大约集中在 1997年至 1998年间。那时,敬一丹主持的中央电视台《焦点访谈》和《东方时空》节目火爆空前,用该书编辑的话说:“她是全国被寄予希望最多的一个记者。”(第 381页 )这样一位记者,从原本无声的来信里读出 “声音”,又把同样无声的文字变成 “声音”出版,让我们阅读,的确不同寻常。那么,我们能从中读出什么呢? 一 …     

Incentive effects of class actions and punitive damages under alternative procedural regimes

In an economic perspective, punitive damages and class actions can be viewed as sharing a common economic function—creating optimal deterrence. Building on Parisi and Cenini (Class actions for Europe: perspectives from law and economics, ELGAR, 2010), we study the effect of alternative procedural regimes on the effectiveness of punitive damages and class actions. Specifically, we compare the workings of punitive damages and class actions in the American and English (“loser-pays”) regimes. Our findings help explain the limited use and late adoption of class actions and punitive damages in Europe.