中日"文言一致"运动试比较

由于发展史观以及“文言一致”自身“言”直接成“文”这一字面幻象的影响,许多人未能认识“言”与“文”均是为建立近代国民国家所“制定”(胡适)、所“独创”(矢野龙溪)而非固有,更未能深刻认识其核心是为引进西方思想、文化和政治制度而进行的“话语”建树。本文旨在通过对中、日两国“文言一致”运动的对比分析,建构亚欧参照体系,透过幻象剖析其实质,从而为全球化语境下正确解读文学作品,为重新认识国语和国文学的凝聚力和构建和谐社会提供借鉴。     

Japan and China as seen from Moscow today

His most recent study wasRusso-Japanese Relations and the Future of the U.S.-Japanese Alliance (Santa Monica: RAND, MR-168-AF, 1993).     

China after Deng Xiaoping: Implications for Japan

While there exists mistrust between China and Japan stemming from the legacy of the Second World War, the two countries are making efforts to build mutual trust through bilateral dialogue. Growing bilateral interdependence and common interests will likely ease the mistrust and overcome obstacles to a political partnership between the two countries. In the post-Deng era, this article argues that Japan and the West should help China integrate with the world economy if they want China's support in preserving a peaceful world order. Sino-Japanese bilateral cooperation and interdependence are not only beneficial for the two countries and the Asia-Pacific region, they are also of significance for promoting global cooperation and economic development. Thus, this article emphasises China's importance to Japan and the West in the twenty-first century. The author wishes to acknowledge useful comments by Susan Pares, Senior Executive Member of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs (London); Chi Kara Komura, Director of the Center for Asian and Pacific Studies, Seikei University (Japan) and Peter Curwen, Professor at the Policy Research Centre, Sheffield Hallam University (England), on an earlier draft of the paper. He has recently contributed articles to Asian Thought and Society, The Review of Policy Issues, New Zealand Journal of East Asian Studies, Korea Observer, and Australia and World Affairs.     

日汉口译和日中文化差异

口译作为沟通的桥梁,在跨文化交际中起着重要的作用.一名出色的日汉口译者不仅需要扎实的语言功底,还需要对中日文化有深入的了解和研究,这样,才能理解日语的本质,才能对日语有全面深刻的理解,才能克服或减少由于文化背景知识缺乏而造成的交际失误,才能更加尊重对方的文化习俗,以保证口译活动的顺利进行.     

China: A function of the Japan‐US alliance

China's greatest future strategic concern is the Japan‐US alliance. Hisahiko Okazaki argues that a strong alliance limits China's foreign policy options, and stresses the importance of Japan and the US working together to establish a foreign policy towards China that will promote peace in the region. Okazaki was born in Dalian, China, in 1930. He served in Japan's Foreign Ministry, holding such posts as minister to the United States, chief of the ministry's Information Analysis, Research and Planning Bureau, and was ambassador to Saudi Arabia and Thailand. This article is adapted from an article first published in August 1995 in The Daily Yomiuri and is printed with the permission of the author.     

Security dimensions of Soviet territorial disputes with China and Japan

The advent of Mikhail Gorbachev’sNew Thinking has produce a Soviet strategy toward East Asia that seeks a détente with China and Japan. An essential part of this task involves settling the territorial disputes that both countries have with the USSR. Present negotiations on the Sino-Soviet border have produced compromises, yet differences remain. Intractable positions by Japan and the USSR on the Northern Territories issue have resulted in a standstill that has prevented formal negotiations. This article analyzes the strategic-miliatary choices that Soviet leaders will have to make as they address the territorial disputes, examine possible compromises and their consequences for Soviet security, and assess the overall prospects for settlement. Rajan Menon is associate professor of international relations at Lehigh University and author ofSoviet Power and the Third World (Yale University Press, 1986). During the 1989⊋ash;90 academic year he is serving as a research scholar at the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and as a Council on Foreign Relations international affairs fellow on the staff of Congressman Stephen J. Solarz (D-NY).     

完善中日环境合作机制的路径选择

中国和日本的环境合作项目中,双边合作效果显著。而两国参加的多边层面的环境合作虽然形式众多,但由于大多采取对话方式从而难以落实到具体的行动当中,所以合作的实质进展十分缓慢,尤其在遇到解决跨界环境危机事件的过程中,缺乏有效整合及联合应急的能力,造成效率低下。中日两国应该尝试建立常设性的联合工作小组,以及临时性的联合应急行动小组;中国和日本作为东北亚的核心国家,在东北亚区域环境合作中要发挥更大的作用;在完善中国和日本环境合作机制的前提下,两国分别具体执行自己应承担的环保角色;加强中国和日本在节能、环保等方面的合作,减轻两国能源危机压力,这四个方面是合理的对策选择。     

中日现代税制结构比较研究

中日现行税制的起点都比较特殊,中国是改革开放,日本是二战失败后美国主导的改革。在此基础上,两国走出了各自独特的税制演进之路。当前,日本税制是以个人所得税为核心的直接税为主的税制结构,分中央税、都道府县税、市町村税3个层次,中央税居于主导地位。中国税制是以增值税、营业税为核心的间接税为主的税制结构,体现了中国是发展中国家这一经济现实。中国的中央税和地方税的划分标准不明晰,省以下没有独立的地方税体系,直接导致共享税过多,已成为下一步税制改革的阻碍。     

The Financial Crisis and America's Capital Dependence on Japan and China

In the Post-Bretton Woods financial system (1972–2009), the United States has been able to borrow heavily from savings-rich countries like Japan and China. Its access to international capital has allowed the US to cover years of extravagant spending and to enjoy unmatched levels of power and plenty. For lenders, like Japan and China, access to the huge US export market has stimulated aggregate demand, which, in turn, has facilitated economic growth, high rates of employment, infrastructure expansion, and technological development.

Notwithstanding the mutual benefits, the massive scale of Post-Bretton Woods imbalances has placed the financial system under stress. Such macro-economic imbalances usually require a major rebalancing—either immediately through a financial crash or gradually through a “soft” landing.

The financial implosion in 2008 constituted a crash landing. To arrest the steep slide into a possible world depression, most of the leading economies, including especially the United States, have taken bold monetary and fiscal measures. However, these expansionary measures will deepen deficits and generate strong inflationary headwinds while placing pressures on currency exchange rates.

Following the 2008 financial earthquake and its wave of after-shocks, America's access to foreign capital is apt to become more restricted and increasingly expensive. This will erode one of the central structural sources of US power—its extraordinary fiscal flexibility, monetary autonomy, and global economic clout. With a weakened financial superpower, the world may become less prosperous, less stable, less predictable, and considerably more dangerous.     

中日青少年交流回顾与思量

新中国成立后中日青少年交流从无到有、由浅入深、由点及面全面铺开,经历了起步、兴盛和平稳发展3个大的阶段。中日青少年交流主要有交流范围和领域不断扩大,交流密切度与政治关联极大,交流丰富多彩、形式多样,着眼长远,走向机制化以及矛盾与发展相辅相成5个显而易见的特点。两国青少年交流对两国政治、经济、文化等各个方面都有很大影响,最突出的表现为有利于拉近两国国民距离,增进国民感情;有利于减少两国民间误解,增强政治互信。展望未来两国青少年交流,两国应该采取着力建立中日青少年交流长效机制、进行正确的历史观教育、加大两国留学生交流等对策。     

10+3框架与中日政策取向

近年来出现的东亚地区合作趋势符合中国和所有东亚国家的共同利益,中日两国在推动东亚合作的进程中占有重要地位.中日两国的东亚政策既有共性,也有差异乃至矛盾.如何发展共性、求同存异、化解矛盾,是我国对日政策和中日关系面临的重要课题.     

Japan and China: Security interests in the post-Cold War era

This article examines the role of Japan in relation to China’s security interests in the post-Cold War era. The first section assesses Japan as a potential security threat to China at a time when Japan appears to be re-emerging as a great power. It analyzes the possible rise of nationalism in Japan today, including discussion of China’s dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands. The second section looks at how Japan can actually enhance China’s security interests, particularly in the economic sphere. Japan’s contribution to China’s modernization drive is assessed. It is argued that Japan seems to enhance China’s security interests more than it poses a threat, partly because of the economic benefits China derives from trading with Japan, and partly because Japanese foreign policy has hitherto been kept in check by the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty.     

Japan and China: A Fresh Start in a Difficult Era

No relationship is more important to the future of Asia than the one between Japan and China. PM Abe’s visit to Beijing last month put the relationship back on a firmer footing. Yet diplomacy alone will not stabilize Sino-Japanese relations. Popular attitudes in both countries also matter, and will be shaped by the success or failure of leaders to manage the growing complexity of this relationship from food security to fisheries management to national defense and new solutions to China’s growing influence over the daily lives of Japanese. Across Asia too, Japan and China will need to coexist without impeding each other’s influence. Next year’s visit to Japan by President Xi offers ample opportunity for expanding the foundation of this latest round of diplomatic “fresh starts” in the Japan-China relationship. Uncertainty over the US role in Asia, however, has made this a more difficult task.     

日本《部分工时劳动法》的修正——以均等待遇原则为中心

日本部分工时劳动发展当中,差别待遇问题日益突出。在日本社会特殊的雇佣体制下,同工同酬原则一直不被认可,禁止差别待遇缺乏法源依据。2007年《部分工时劳动法》作出重大修正,最大的亮点是有限度的导入了国际劳工组织倡导的均等待遇原则,对满足一定条件的劳工给予同工同酬保护。中国非全日制用工发展中差别待遇问题同样突出,日本修法的经验对于中国具有借鉴意义。     

中日韩三国的战略信赖度分析

本文以战略互信理论为主要依据,探讨了中日韩三国的战略定位,并在尝试建立中日韩三国战略互信度模型的基础上,对影响中日韩三国战略互信关系的主要因素进行了较为系统的分析,并指出构筑和进一步建立中日韩三国稳定的战略互信关系,是东北亚多边安全机制构建的核心和基础。     

国家形象与当代中美日在东南亚的竞争

国家形象是国家"软力量"的重要一环,在维护国家权利合法性方面起着其他力量不可替代的作用.中美日在东南亚地区的权利和影响自1997年以来,因其国家形象的变化而此消彼长,正是国家形象在一国对外关系中的政治、经济与安全功能的一个绝好例证.     

Textbooks and Patriotic Education: Wartime Memory Formation in China and Japan

The treatment of the wartime period in Japan's history textbooks has long been a subject of debate and controversy, even a source of international tension. Since their creation, history textbooks have been used to shape national identity and encourage patriotism. This article, drawing on the comparative study of high school history textbooks in Japan, China, South Korea, Taiwan and the United States by Stanford's Divided Memories and Reconciliation project, compares the treatment of the wartime period in the textbooks of China and Japan. The study found that Japanese textbooks are relatively devoid of overt attempts to promote patriotism and that they contain more information about controversial wartime issues such as the Nanjing Massacre than is widely believed. In contrast, Chinese textbooks, particularly after their revision a decade ago, are consciously aimed at promoting a nationalist view of the past as part of the country's “patriotic education” campaign. The article warns, however, against efforts in Japan to promote a Japanese-style version of patriotic education.     

中日民间对立情绪增长原因探析

中日民间对立情绪的增长,与战争创伤、地理毗邻、文化冲突诸因素的相关程度低,与经济发展水平差异相关程度高,与中国经济的迅猛发展和实力日益增强的相关程度最高。中日民间对立情绪的增长有可能成为相互达成理性共识的开端,从而具有中日国民互动和中日关系进入新的历史时期的标识性意义。     

日本核能法制近况及其对中国的启示

日本是核能利用大国,但核能利用屡经波折,在2011年又遭遇举世震惊的福岛核电站事故。在中国考虑制定《核安全法》时,社会公众必然会关心和追问日本核能立法的有关情况,尤其是保障核能安全和核损害赔偿等法制建设的最新情况。文章对日本核能立法近况进行了系统介绍,并结合《核安全法(草案)》修改总结出几点对中国的启示。