董事信义义务的立法与修正

信义义务是指当事人之间基于信义关系而产生的义务;公司法关于董事信义义务规定的缺失体现在对董事注意义务规定、对董事忠实义务规定和董事对债权人信义义务规定三个方面;公司法关于董事信义义务的规定应从这三个方面进行修正。     

公务员信义义务的理据分析与立法设想

传统行政法原则认为公务员与国家之间是一种特别权力关系,强调公务员的绝对服从,漠视了公务员个人的私权利,信托关系理论则认为,公务员与国家和行政相对人之间是一种信义关系。根据这一理论课以公务员信义义务,对义务的履行有明确的适用条件与判断标准,既可弥补传统公务员义务的不确定性,又可在其履职懈怠或公务侵权进行追"责"时进行司法裁判,从而避免行政问"责"的模糊性。构建公务员信义义务体系,应通过诚信道德立法提升公务员履行信义义务的法治化水平,通过权利保障立法建立起公务员履行信义义务的职业风险防范制度,通过行政课责立法健全公务员违信责任体系。     

对公司法人作为合伙人的思考

修订后的《合伙企业法》在制度上有许多调整，提出公司可以参与合伙并可以成为普通合伙人。但公司法人作为普通合伙人参与合伙企业经营和管理，与自然人以普通合伙人参与合伙企业的管理存在着较大的区别，引起的诸多问题，值得关注。     

医方法定义务刍议

医患之间的权利义务是由医疗合同和相关法律规定所确定的。医患间的权利义务具有动态性、对应性和复杂性的特点。依据有关法律和医疗实践,具体说来,医方的义务包括:诊疗义务、注意义务、说明义务、紧急救治义务、制作保存病例资料的义务,以及保密义务。其中,诊疗义务是医方最主要的义务,说明义务与患者的知情同意权相对应,紧急救治义务有严格适用条件。     

试论合同法上的附随义务

合同法上的附随义务是司法界的一个陌生课题。本文试图从附随义务的概念、特征以及与其他义务形态的比较等几方面加以论述,希望能够起到抛砖引玉之效果。     

胡耀邦与裴昌会“信义相交”

我在四川省南充市生活过两年,从1950年到1952年夏天。那时共和国初建,四面八方来到这里工作的老同志都十分亲热,工作夜以继日,建设百废待兴,马上的军旅生涯还未完全结束,马下的建国任务业已开始。老同志中有参加过百色起义的红军将领,也有晋绥根据地的地方领导。     

论经理义务——兼论完善我国公司立法中的经理义务制度

经理义务的内容包括经理在职义务和经理离职义务两部分。前者具体有忠实义务、注意义务、保密义务、签名盖章义务、计算义务和不得滥用经理权或越权行为的义务;后者具体有保密义务、竞业禁止后契约义务、不得策反公司员工、高级职员的义务、不得使用离职前所埋伏的商业机会的义务和不得与公司从事特定财产交易的义务。针对我国公司立法中的缺陷,建议在完善经理的忠实义务、增加经理在职注意义务、规范经理离职后应对公司负担的义务及违反上述义务法律责任的规制方面下功夫。     

公民政治义务析论

西方政治学对公民政治义务理论的研究素为重视。在考察近现代、当代西方政治哲学视野下的公民政治义务理论的基础上,本文尝试对"走向权利时代"中的中国公民政治义务的内涵与类分作一初步论述,提出要把公民政治义务的履行与对公民权利的保护结合起来,培育健全的公民政治义务意识,促进社会主义政治文明建设。     

中外公务员义务比较与义务本位

在公务员制度中,公务员的权利与义务是对等的。但是,在现实生活中,公务员权利与义务的享有、履行却不对等。通过对中外公务员的义务进行比较,提出“公务员义务本位”理念及其法制化的途径在于:在公务员法的立法中体现公务员义务本位理念;通过制定各级各类公务员的行为准则和工作规程体现公务员义务本位理念;建立公务员义务本位的监督体系;通过公务员录用、上岗、培训、晋升、奖惩、退休待遇等各个环节体现公务员义务本位。     

长三角新合伙人

根据不久前公布的第四次全国经济普查数据,安徽GDP上调了4004亿元,增量全国第一。2019年,安徽以3.7万亿元经济总量居全国第11位,省会合肥则以9409亿元经济总量进入全国省会城市前十。安徽被低估了?合肥是黑马?一连串的数据引起了经济界对安徽餉再关注。2019年12月,中共中央、国务院印发了《长江三角洲区域一体化发展规划纲要》,规划范围包括上海市、江苏省、浙江省、安徽省全域。     

义务冲突研究

义务冲突作为排除犯罪性事由之一种在西方刑法学界是一个颇有争议的领域,我国学界对此则涉足甚少。在研究方法上,尤其是我国刑法学界对此多作静态意义的研究,没有从符合构成要件行为与排除犯罪性事由这种立体动态的关系中对其进行思考,我们愿稍作尝试。     

企业对食品安全的组织化保障义务

企业依法对食品安全负有组织化保障的义务。食品安全管理员就是这种特定的组织之一。食品安全管理员的资格取得、与企业乃至国家之间的关系、安全管理的职责和地位,是组织化安全管理制度的重要内容。在制度设计时,国家应在确保食品安全的同时,既在一定程度上保证食品安全管理员的管理和建议得到尊重,另一方面也要维护企业的经营自由。     

The Obligation to Contribute to Discretionary Public Goods

The principle of fairness, first introduced by H. L. A. Hart in 1955, is able to support a workable theory of political obligation upon liberal premises. In a previous paper, 'Presumptive benefit, fairness, and political obligation', I argued that the principle can establish general obligations to cooperate in the provision of 'presumptive public goods' (that is, public goods that are indispensable to the typical member of society). Because a wider range of governmental services is necessary for the provision of presumptive goods, the principle also supports obligations to support 'discretionary public goods' (goods that are desirable but not indispensable). The 'indirect argument' developed in this paper counters the criticisms of my previous paper presented by A. John Simmons in 'The anarchist position: a reply to Klosko and Senor'.     

Liberalism and the Obligation to Military Service

This article argues that liberalism's failure to address systematically the question of citizens' obligation to military service is indicative of its wider failure to develop a satisfactory concept of citizenship. Whilst liberalism's individualist bias, implicit class assumptions and hope of transcending war have all contributed to neglect of citizen duty to bear arms, the most interesting reason, in relation to contemporary republican critiques, is liberalism's inadequate view of citizenship. This article examines the different approaches of the classical English liberals Locke, Bentham and J. S. Mill to international relations, forms of national defence and the role (if any) of citizens, and considers very briefly the views of some contemporary liberal theorists on military service and justified resistance to the draft. Finally, it comments on the implicit reliance of liberal polities on non-liberal models of citizenship, and the need for a coherent liberal concept of citizenship which includes an examination of responsibility for defence.     

Obligation by Association? A Reply to John Horton

In a recent two-part article in this journal, John Horton offers reasons to reject 'philosophical anarchism', and claims that rejecting that view should lead us to an 'associative' account of political obligations. This article argues for a different conclusion. The claim that local obligations are irreducible or independent is vulnerable to critique, and does not provide a compelling account of moral conflict. Rejecting philosophical anarchism should lead us to a version of moral universalism that can find a place for local attachment.     

Obligation and welfare policy

Ronald Reagan came to the White House with a reputation for welfare reform that dated from his days as governor of California. The administration's first step was to restrict benefits to working recipients in ways similar to procedures originally proposed in that state. The impact on the AFDC caseload of these changes, however, was modest, and, ironically, the work program opportunities provided by legislation sponsored by the Reagan administration have been exploited as successfully by Democrats such as Michael Dukakis of Massachusetts as by Republicans. Despite frequent references to welfare and welfare problems since 1981, the administration has been notably short of ideas.The silence from the White House has been filled by outsiders - first Murray and then Mead and others such as journalists Mickey Kaus (1986) and Nicholas Lemann (1986). While Losing Ground argued for the government's retirement from the field in the War on Poverty, Mead offered a vision certain to make both liberals and the administration uncomfortable. On the one hand, his demand for creative statecraft calls for substantial government activism, a renewed attack. On the other, his assertion that further progress will require attention to behavioral issues challenges the liberal attitude that what the poor need most is the empowerment that cash can provide. For the concerned public, something about Mead's argument rings true. The poverty we see - homeless derelicts, children of mothers who are children themselves, recipients who reach midlife never having known anything but welfare dependency, neighborhoods in which everyone receives support - hardly seems vulnerable to negative tax payments. And, as Mead suggests, eliminating the present system would create unacceptable hardship. Even if financial incentives are the prime movers in most areas of economic life, we are all a bit embarrassed by them; in the abstract it seems better to say that absent parents are obligated to support their children and able-bodied adults are obligated to work.