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1.
The United States has spent 30 years clinging to variations of the same policy towards Iran, to no avail. ‘Doing the right thing’ has proved perplexing, complicated and, ultimately, elusive. In 1979, the United States struggled to come to terms with Iran's transformation from consort to adversary. Washington had difficulty fitting Iran into the hierarchy of regional and international priorities, often viewing it through the prism of its other regional concerns. Administration tensions, varying levels of dysfunction and wider governmental conflict also affected policy formulation and execution by producing different agendas, and, occasionally, a range of different assessments of US policy. Underpinning and exacerbating these problems was the fact that policymakers were doing a jigsaw with missing pieces. Two types of intelligence failures, missing and poor information and flawed interpretation, proved debilitating. A further complication was the fact that the United States and Iran engaged in a dialogue of the duff for nearly 30 years. Besides not hearing each other (and when they did, regularly misunderstanding the message), bad timing and the intervention of events conspired repeatedly to frustrate initiatives and confound a breakthrough. This case-study-based analysis of policymaking and policy explores why successive administrations have failed to ‘park Iran in a better place’ and offers a set of lessons for the Obama administration as it confronts this unique ‘non-relationship’.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Over the last ten years left‐wing terrorism in Central America has spawned a number of related and opposed phenomena. Right‐wing terrorism has become very active but has degenerated into pseudo‐left‐wing terrorism and finally into gangsterism. Examples of this are the alleged Chacon group in El Salvador and the related activities of the Zimeri gang in Guatemala. Non‐Central American factors have also come into play, such as connections with the PLO and the activities of Cuban exile groups. This situation has made it extremely difficult to label any individual act of terrorism as being related to the Right or to the Left.  相似文献   

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The Author thanks Arnaldo Córdova, Guillermo O'Donnell, Ray Morrow, Arturo Sáenz Ferral, Daniel Schugurensky and Arthur Vidich for their valuable comments to previous versions of this article.  相似文献   

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我们党历来重视从国内和国际两个大局着眼,分析党所面临的形势和任务,制定党和国家的战略、方针和政策.党的十六届四中全会<决定>指出:"必须正确应对国际局势,妥善处理国际事务和国际关系,争取良好的国际环境和周边环境."在对外开放的条件和复杂多变的国际形势下,坚持独立自主的和平外交政策,提高党应对国际局势和处理国际事务的能力,是加强党的执政能力建设的重要任务.  相似文献   

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This article examines the co-evolution of interactive technology and non-governmental organizations in Eastern Europe. It addresses, on the one side, the emergence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as actors who exhibit new organizational topographies and, on the other side, the emergence of the Internet and related interactive technologies that not only provide a new medium of representation in a virtual public sphere but also make possible fundamental changes in the character of organization. We explore how organizations of civil society can be a source of organizational and technological innovation necessary for their societies’ ongoing adaptability in a rapidly changing global economy. As such, NGOs can use new technologies within and beyond their existing roles as safety nets (to mitigate the new social problems of emerging market economies) and as safety valves (to give voice to social groups underrepresented in the newly competitive polities) to function as social entrepreneurs exploring new organizational forms as ongoing sources of innovation. Jonathan Bach is a postdoctoral research scholar at the Center for Organizational Innovation at the Institute for Social and Economic Research and Policy, Columbia University. He is the author ofBetween Sovereignty and Integration: German Foreign Policy and National Identity after 1989. David Stark is Arnold A. Saltzman Professor of Sociology and International Affairs at Columbia University and an external faculty member at the Santa Fe Institute. His current research examines the co-evolution of collaborative organization and interactive technologies in various settings, including new media startups in Manhattan and trading rooms on Wall Street, as well as NGOs in Eastern Europe.  相似文献   

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外来务工者进城必然带来外来未成年人犯罪的问题,针对未成年人的身心特点和根据我国法律的有关规定,对有过错的外来未成年人提供法律帮助是完全必要和迫切需要的。本文认为,我国尤其是上海应该积极发展和完善少年刑事司法程序,对外来未成年犯罪嫌疑人要推行合适成年人参与制度,并且要相对于本地未成年人拓宽其应用之思路。  相似文献   

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The paper revisits the discourse on development in Africa, following in the footsteps of leading development thinkers and focusing on social policy. Some of the thinkers and scholars have specifically and directly discussed development discourse in Africa. Others have made insightful points regarding inclusive development in Africa even though not directly engaging with development discourse. The paper also acknowledges earlier thinking regarding development in Africa, including perspectives that deal with underdevelopment. The paper concerns itself with the critical role that social policy can play in ensuring inclusive development in Africa. The interface between economic and social policy is emphasised. Although Africa faces many intractable challenges, most of which are externally imposed, robust social policies will go a long way in bringing about effective social and economic development. In the main, though, Africa needs a comprehensive socio-economic development approach that can ensure lasting inclusive development. Social policies are critical for any development endeavour in African countries. Another main point that the paper makes is that economic transformation is not enough to fully advance wellbeing in Africa (and probably the world at large). By restructuring economies in Africa, not much would be achieved though some gains would be made.  相似文献   

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《Third world quarterly》2013,34(4):617-626

The human rights framework cuts across different aspects of development. It has a universal appeal which is increasingly supported by a stronger social, political and cultural global rooting. NGOs have made important contributions to this growing global culture of human rights. The potential of human rights as a normative instrument to further shape and form the political and human quality of globalisation can hardly be underestimated. Human rights offer NGOs the possibility to strategically position themselves at the crossroads of emerging transnational relationships between different actors in the state, market and civil sector. This will strengthen enforcement of human rights, shared among and across different levels of institutions and decision making. But in order to enter the global dealing room, the function of NGOs must be grounded more firmly in the United Nations framework, which gives human rights their principal global legitimacy.  相似文献   

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The goal of this article is to critically examine the engagement between the European Union (EU) and a transnational policy network (TPN) that deals with an issue that has grown in importance in the architecture of the EU's energy policy: fracking. The author argues that successful engagement between the EU and networks on shale gas was facilitated by the fact that the TPN or the members of the TPN were in possession of technical and scientific information that is highly needed by institutions in Brussels. Also, the article reveals that the fact that EU energy insecurity has been high on the EU agenda increased EU's interest in actors that could provide vital insights into potential panaceas and palliatives to energy insecurity.  相似文献   

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"The conventional wisdom on the relationship between migration and development in the Caribbean Basin can be summarized in two propositions: that migration from the region to the United States is an 'escape valve,' benefitting the sending countries; and that development reduces the pressures for migration. This article examines both propositions and concludes they are misleading or inaccurate. Emigration costs the sending countries in serious ways and often impedes development. Secondly, development does not stem migration; in the short-term, rapid development is more likely to exacerbate the pressures of migration than to reduce those pressures. Besides analyzing the relationship between migration and development in the Caribbean Basin, this article offers development proposals to reduce pressures leading to migration and enhance the positive effects of migration on development."  相似文献   

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The objective of this article is to analyse the changes brought about by the foreign policy of Lula's first administration (2003 – 06). To discuss the topic, we will make use of three notions: autonomy through distance, autonomy through participation and autonomy through diversification. These notions explain the main changes occurring in Brazilian foreign policy from 1980 to the mid-2000s. We will conclude by demonstrating how the autonomy through diversification notion best applies to the 2003 – 06 period.  相似文献   

18.
This paper investigates the potential for estimating policy positions from electoral results in elections with multiple votes. When voters can spread their votes across multiple party lists in open list elections, they are more likely to select candidates from parties with similar policy positions. The electoral results can therefore be exploited to infer parties’ preferences based on the structure of vote combinations. The proposed data provide a valuable tool for analysing party behaviour in circumstances where ordinary methods for estimating policy positions fail, most importantly in electoral contexts with local competitors. Applying an ideal point model for count data, party preferences are estimated for a German municipality.  相似文献   

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In this paper we consider whether the rate of growth following trade liberalisation differs significantly from growth in other developing countries. We find that it does not. Given this result we explore whether these growth effects are offset by changes in other policy variables, namely changes in fiscal policy. Governments increase welfare spending as a response to greater exposure to international trade. We find evidence that countries that liberalise their trade regimes increase their spending on welfare but not other forms of expenditure. However, once we control for the effects of fiscal policy, trade liberalisation still has no growth effects.  相似文献   

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