The Production of Social Science Knowledge beyond Occidentalism: the quest for a post-exotic anthropology

This article makes the case for a post-exotic anthropology as an alternative disciplinary practice adapted to the emerging historical conjuncture that is reconfiguring the political and epistemic relations between different parts of the world. This is raising anew a legitimation challenge to mainstream social sciences but especially academic anthropology, as its a practice is still characterised by a chronic exoticist inflection thanks to its allegiance to the epistemology of Occidentalism. The article calls for a revision of anthropology's geo-theoretical premises in light of an emergent post-exotic historical conjuncture, which entails the abandonment of the duopoly exercised by the epistemic regimes of postmodernism and postcolonialism, in favour of a post-exotic standpoint. It suggests the adoption of mesography as the optimum means of operationalising a post-exotic anthropology as well as an alternative mode of social science knowledge production. Finally, it proposes an ethic of reciprocity to rectify the extractive fieldwork practices that sustain the illiberal politics of interpretation of academic anthropology.     

Stories about the world economy: The quest for the grail

Equality, the Third World and Economic Delusion. Peter Bauer, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1981. 304pp. £15.00

Crisis: in the Third World. André Gunder Frank, London: Heinemann. 1981.. 375pp. £5.50pb

Crisis: in the World Economy. André Gunder Frank, London: Heinemann. 1980. 366pp. £4.95pb

Dependency Theory: a critical reassessment. Edited by Dudley Seers, London: Frances Pinter. 1981. 211pp. £15.00

Critical Perspectives on Imperialism and Social Class in the Third World. James Petras, London: Monthly Review Press. 1978. 314pp. £3.25

Recession, The Western Economies and the Changing World Order. Lars Anell, London: Frances Pinter. 1981. 181pp. £12.50     

Dead ends and new beginnings: the quest for a procedural republic in Poland

The article, by juxtaposing the Polish and the American democratic consolidations, examines the deficiencies of the state transformation in Poland, focusing specifically on the conflict between a procedural and a substantive interpretation of democratic order. The analysis of the act that initiated the process of transition to democracy, the Roundtable Accord of 1989, is followed by a case study of an imperfect consensus and political compromise, the choices of electoral laws. After discussion of some other cases of ill-conceived institutional designs, the article concludes with an analysis of the socio-political background of the institutional transformation in Poland.     

Regulators and the quest for coherence in finance: The case of loss absorbing capacity for banks

After the international financial crisis, new financial regulation was adopted at the international, regional and national levels, raising the issue of how to promote regulatory coherence, defined as the consistency between the rules adopted at different governance levels and in a variety of policy venues. A major recent area of reform concerned the loss absorbing capacity (LAC) of banks. In practice, the lack of regulatory coherence concerning LAC hampers the effective resolution of large international banks in a timely manner, ultimately undermining financial stability. We examine the role of regulators in the quest for coherence on LAC, explaining the incentives they had and how they deployed their delegated competences at different levels to achieve coherent rules that ensure financial stability. Theoretically, we combine insights from the public administration and political economy literatures. Methodologically, we process trace the making of LAC rules on three governance levels and in multiple policy venues.     

Lula's foreign policy and the quest for autonomy through diversification

The objective of this article is to analyse the changes brought about by the foreign policy of Lula's first administration (2003 – 06). To discuss the topic, we will make use of three notions: autonomy through distance, autonomy through participation and autonomy through diversification. These notions explain the main changes occurring in Brazilian foreign policy from 1980 to the mid-2000s. We will conclude by demonstrating how the autonomy through diversification notion best applies to the 2003 – 06 period.     

The quest for legitimacy in independent Kosovo: the unfulfilled promise of diversity and minority rights

When Kosovo declared its independence in 2008, it did so not as a nation-state, but as a “state of communities,” self-defining as multiethnic, diverse, and committed to extensive rights for minorities. In this paper, this choice is understood as a response to a dual legitimation problem. Kosovo experienced both an external legitimation challenge, regarding its contested statehood internationally, and an internal one, vis-à-vis its Serb minority. The focus on diversity and minority rights was expected to confer legitimacy on the state both externally and internally. International state-builders and the domestic political elite in post-conflict Kosovo both pursued this strategy. However, it inadvertently created an additional internal legitimation challenge, this time from within Kosovo’s majority Albanian population. This dynamic is illustrated by the opposition movement “Lëvizja Vetëvendosje” (Self-Determination Movement), which rejects the framing of Kosovo as first and foremost a multiethnic state. The movement’s counter-narrative represents an additional internal legitimation challenge to the new state. This paper thus finds that internationally endorsed “diversity management” through minority rights did not deliver as a panacea for the legitimacy dilemmas of the post-conflict polity. On the contrary, the “state of communities” continues to be contested by both majority and minority groups in Kosovo.     

Russia's quest for respect in the international conflict management in Kosovo

This article examines the emotion-based status-seeking logic in Russia's foreign policy vis-à-vis the West, presenting the example of Russia's reactions to NATO's military campaign against Serbia in 1999. It is argued that Russian assertiveness in combination with expressive rhetoric must be understood as a result of the ruling elite's need to have Russia's identity and self-defined social status as an equal great power in world politics respected by its Western interaction partners. Russia's reactions to NATO's intervention, which was not authorized by the UN Security Council, must be read as a strategy coping with the emotion anger about the perceived humiliation and provocation of status denial and ignorance by the West. We find various elements of such a coping strategy, among them the verbalization of the feeling of anger among Russian political circles and the media; uttering retaliation threats, but no ‘real’ aggressive, retaliatory action; minor and temporary activities aimed at restoring Russia's image and status as an influential an equal power. On the surface, the Kosovo episode did not result in any visible break or rift in the Russian–Western relationship. However, emotionally it has lead to a significant loss of trust in the respective partner on both sides.     

The unfinished business of perestroika: Latvia's memory politics and its quest for acknowledgment of victimhood in Europe

In the 25 years since the re-establishment of Baltic independence from the Soviet Union, there has been no conclusive public conversation, or “coming to terms with the past” with respect to crimes against Latvian and other persecuted groups under Communism. This paper examines how national politicians, members of the European Parliament in Brussels, representatives of Latvia's Russian-speaking minority, and the Russian government have engaged in a difficult, long-overdue conversation. Conflicting historical narratives about victimhood are at the heart of these disagreements. Special emphasis is given to Latvia's historical narrative, its development over the past 25 years, and the way it challenges Russia's interpretation of history. I argue that Latvian memory politics at the European level are a continuation of Latvia's quest for acknowledgment of its victimhood, thereby trying to finish the process started in the late 1980s when Balts first demanded acknowledgment of human rights violations they had suffered under the Soviet regime. Latvia's methods of transitional justice are examined, arguing that its memory politics at the European level are an extension of steps taken at the national level to come to terms with the past and to increase its negotiating power against Russia's neo-Soviet historical narrative.     

二战中英国的"超级机密"

英国记者安东尼·布朗写的《兵不厌诈》一书中,在叙述第二次世界大战英军与德军在北非战场决战时有这样一段话:"阿拉曼战役一开始,隆美尔 军队失败的命运就注定了.……隆美尔所采取的每一个重大军事行动都被'超级机密'暴露.隆美尔成了最没有希望的将军了.他给希特勒的一系列密电,蒙哥马利都通过'超级机密'看到了……而希特勒发给隆美尔的复电,蒙哥马利有时甚至比隆美尔看到得还要早……"