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Lisa Barritt-Eyles 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2020,66(3):522-541
In response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990, Australia's Labor government committed a naval task force to participate in the enforcement of sanctions, and subsequently, the Gulf War to expel Iraq from Kuwait. The Australian government justified its response to the Persian Gulf crisis in various ways, including the threat it posed to national and international security, and by employing representations of Australian identity and the radical Otherness of Saddam Hussein. The paper considers these aspects, then focuses on two ostensibly complementary justifications. Firstly, the rapid commitment was represented as a necessary act of collective security connected to revitalisation of the United Nations. Secondly, it was justified as contributing to the development of a post-Cold War new world order (NWO), framed within Australian regional security interests and shaped by the US alliance. The paper argues that the Australian discourse melds the justifications, despite collective security, based on UN leadership, sitting uneasily with a NWO premised on US leadership, without having to attend to the tensions between the two justifications. 相似文献
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Mohammed Torki Bani Salameh 《中东政策》2023,30(1):110-121
Given the perception of a US pullback from its commitments in the Middle East, a small state like Bahrain must develop a new vision of how to protect itself. This article analyzes Bahrain's strategy, focusing on three circles. The first, its internal circle, is complicated by the country's heterogeneity. Second, the Gulf circle entails cooperation among Bahrain's neighbors, though that has been historically difficult to achieve. The third circle is international, with Bahrain's seeking bilateral agreements with countries like the United States, China, Britain, and France. It is this circle on which Bahrain will continue to rely, and it is likely to bandwagon, allying with the most powerful players in the region. 相似文献
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F. Gregory Gause 《中东政策》2007,14(2):119-124
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The longevity and depth of regional challenges in the Middle East have elevated political and security concerns to a new level within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in recent years. Three conflicting worldviews have confronted one another, resulting in debilitating consequences for the region. Increasing fragmentation of Arab politics, in turn, has engendered attempts at enforced Arab unity that have ultimately failed, further dividing and destabilizing the regional order. This article delineates the background of the Gulf crisis of 2017 within the broader context of the Arab Spring and analyzes the ensuing attempts at mediation, the US role in the region, political developments in Kuwait and Oman, normalization efforts with Israel, and the recent resolution of the Gulf crisis by examining various actors’ political roles. 相似文献
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