Using Trading Zones and Life Cycle Analysis to Understand Nanotechnology Regulation

This article reviews the public health and environmental regulations applicable to nanotechnology using a life cycle model from basic research through end-of-life for products. Given nanotechnology's immense promise and public investment, regulations are important, balancing risk with the public good. Trading zones and earth systems engineering management assist in explaining potential solutions to gaps in an otherwise complex, overlapping regulatory system.     

'New Governance' in European Corporate Law Regulation as Transnational Legal Pluralism

The present transformation of European corporate governance regulation mirrors the challenges that have been facing the EU's continuously evolving polity, marked by tensions between centralised integration programmes, on the one hand, and Member State's embedded capitalisms, path-dependencies and rent-seeking, on the other. As longstanding concerns with remaining obstacles to more mobility for workers, services, business entities and capital in recent years are aligned with post-Lisbon commitments to creating the world's leading competitive market, European corporate governance regulation (ECGR) has become exposed to and implicated in a set of highly dynamic regulatory experiments. In this context, 'New Governance' offers itself as both a tentative label and immodest proposal for a more responsive and innovative approach to European law making. The following article assesses the recently emerging regulatory forms in ECGR as illustrations of far-reaching transformations in market governance. The arguable parallels between the EU's regulatory transformation in response to growing legitimacy concerns and the recurring question about whose interests a business corporation is intended to serve, provide the framework for an exploration of current regulatory trajectories in European corporate law that can most adequately be understood as a telling example of transnational legal pluralism.     

试论我国证券监管的模式

证券监管是金融监管的重要组成部分,金融监管理论同样适用于证券 监管。我国的证券监管工作有待进一步研究和完善,如证监会的法律责任不明确等。 目前,西方国家证券监管有不同模式,我国应借鉴有益经验,在加强证券监管中,注意 从几个方面着手：正确选择制度设计的价值取向;创造良好的制度环境;完善法制建 设;优化监管体制设计。     

Taxes and Transnational Treaties: Responsive Regulation and the Reassertion of Offshore Sovereignty

Regulatory dialogue between states with widely diverging tax systems has emerged as a key feature of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and European Union (EU) initiatives on Offshore Finance Centers (OFCs) or tax havens. This has brought together states of differing dimensions in size, population, economy, and power. Where there is such a discrepancy in power between states there is often a temptation to assert a command-and-control regulatory approach. This was the initial reading of the OECD's Harmful Tax Practices Project that demanded tax havens—mostly small states in Europe, the Pacific, Indian Ocean, and the Caribbean—repeal financial secrecy legislation and commit to Tax Information Exchange Agreements (TIEAs). As these initiatives have unfolded there has been a transition away from regulation by command-and-control towards responsive regulatory dialogue in which tax havens have been encouraged to cooperate through engagement and active participation. Based on qualitative research with key stakeholders in OFC jurisdictions and multilateral organizations, this article explores this transition towards meta-principles of responsive regulation. The preservation of tax bilateralism has limited the capacity of multilateral organizations to deploy the full range of regulatory techniques, particularly those involving penalty and coercion. Instead all parties, tax haven states and multilateral institutions alike, have been confined to the broadest base of the regulatory pyramid. Responsive regulation can end up having the opposite effect from what is intended where the enforcement peak of the regulatory pyramid is absent. This has resulted in strengthening the sovereignty of small OFC states and has increased international tax competition, rather than reduced it.     

跨国公司在华知识产权策略及其规制

跨国公司目前在华实施的知识产权策略主要包括三项:一是在华设立研发机构;二是在华加紧注册专利、商标、外观设计等多方面的知识产权;三是通过结成联盟和游说团体,在华敦促和倡导知识产权保护,并充分利用当地救济和通过母国对东道国施压.这些知识产权策略可能产生两方面的负面影响:借由技术优势产生的垄断与滥用垄断地位;利用知识产权保护全面限制国内企业的竞争力.对待跨国公司的问题,应当是限制和消除其行为对东道国所产生的负面影响,强词反垄断法和知识产权法都提供了许多对于知识产权权利滥用的限制,目前中国首先要做的是将这些限制贯彻在立法、执法、司法的过程中.     

Transnationalism in the Regulation of Labor Relations: International Regimes and Transnational Advocacy Networks

This paper examines prospects for transnational advocacy and regimes as a way to buttress national labor laws and institutions in an interlocking mosaic and thus ensure the continuation of strong systems of industrial relations under conditions of increasing economic integration. We argue that there is a role for transnational solutions as a supplement to national systems, and we assess the conditions necessary to make this approach effective. We look at a variety of possible actors and arenas that could foster transnationalism and provide illustrations of transnational advocacy and regime building. We conclude that elements of a multilevel, public-private transnational regime are present in some parts of the world and that these elements can occasionally be knit together. We find that prospects for an effective and sustainable system of transnational multi-level regulation are greater when regional integration pacts such as the EU and NAFTA create transnational norms or forums. But, based on preliminary analysis of transnational advocacy and regulation in these two areas, we also conclude that no fully effective system has yet emerged.     

论小公司立法规制的三种模式

进入21世纪以来，一些西方发达国家纷纷大幅度调整了公司立法，其共同特点是增强了对小公司发展的促进措施。公司法在处理小公司问题上有三种不同的模式．即特殊的公司形式、公司的替代形式以及采取“小公司优先”原则。其中”小公司优先”原则又可以采取不同的实现方式。     

Transnational organized crime challenges for future research

This essay and review seeks to assess the state of empirical research on transnational organized crime, drawing on a review of the English language academic literature. It identifies major themes and research questions as well as methodological approaches, and summarizes key findings. It also addresses challenges to meaningful research, arguing that internationally coordinated research projects will be necessary in the future to arrive at the insights necessary to inform theory and policy.     

The Argument from Transnational Effects II: Establishing Transnational Democracy

This article continues with a discussion of what the author calls the argument from transnational effects. It says that supranational or transnational forms of integration, in particular market integration, are desirable on account of democracy itself. National democracies find themselves thereby forced to confront and to internalise the externalities that they cause for each other. A fortiori, democracy becomes supposedly emancipated from the confines of the nation state. This article examines the argument critically at a general level. The situation under consideration concerns all cases in which, regardless of whether there is movement or not, the acts of one democracy adversely impact on the interests of others. The article tries to identify instances where the harm is tied to a failure of representation in a transnational context and not caught by the harm principle, broadly understood. In order to calibrate the argument's scope the article resorts to the principle of universalisation. The guiding intuition is that so long as the act of one democracy is morally justified on the basis of this principle, the argument from transnational effects does not apply. Hence the argument is of no avail where the impact of one democracy on another is perfectly legitimate. This would be the case, for example, when the effects are too insignificant to require any debate. Determining the range of legitimate impact is a core question of transnational constitutional law. Any such determination presupposes mutually shared interest definitions. More often than not, however, the relevant interest definitions underlying universalisation are debatable. Therefore, it appears to be inevitable, at first glance, to have relations of transnational interdependency matched by transnational democratic processes. The article then goes on to identify three different types of universalitation with reference to what can be regarded as their respective anchor. Simple universalisation is based upon shared interest definitions. Reflexive universalisation involves common views of oneself (and others). Self‐transcending universalisation is grounded in the desire to live in a free society. Reflexive universalisation requires to extend mutual sympathy. From this perspective, transnational democratic processes are tantamount to nation‐building. However, one would commit a sentimentalist fallacy if one were to conclude that mutual sympathy in and of itself engenders an expansion of mutual responsibility. The article argues that with regard to the third type of universalisation the institutionalisation of transnational democratic procedures cannot be justified. It would threaten to undermine various conceptions of a free society. It is argued that for the sake of the realisation of equal citizenship the argument from transnational effects actually needs to endorse the existence of bounded democratic communities. Unbounded transnational democracy would exercise an adverse effect on citizenship. It also turns out that the argument from transnational effects, in its uncorrected form, remains haunted by the dilemma that the type of democracy that is envisaged by it becomes easily absorbed by administrative processes. The article concludes that the argument from transnational effects, correctly understood, has a more modest import than its proponents would have us believe. Rather than supporting the release of democracy from its national bounds, it helps to explain why the co‐existence of bounded democratic polities remains essential to equal citizenship. More forceful versions of transnational integration graft onto political societies elements that are not genuinely democratic and strangely reminiscent of different forms of rule. These are forms of rule that Aristotle would not have called ‘political’, for they do not involve the exercise of power by equals over equals.     

Cognitive Barriers in Perception of Nanotechnology

This article is concerned with predictions of future events, such as technological achievements and changes in the human condition that they will bring about. Cognitive barriers arise when human agents are either asked or forced to make judgments and decisions with respect to unknown singular events. This article argues that barriers such as an aversion to not knowing and the impossibility to believe trump expert and ordinary human reasoning. These barriers apply to nanotechnology. To avoid undesired societal effects arising from them, this essay proposes a set of steps designed to foster responsible public dialogue.     

纳米科技与法医DNA检验

综述了纳米科技进步将对法医DNA检验产生的深远影响,对从DNA提取到基因芯片研究等多个未来研究的新方向进行了探讨。     

Transnational law as a framework for law clinics

Jindal Global Law Review - As the law becomes increasingly globalised and online education is increasingly emphasised, clinical legal education presents new opportunities for transnational...     

The Politicization of Science and Technology: Its Implications for Nanotechnology

The development of nanotechnology intensifies challenges to the traditional understanding of how to pursue scientific and technological knowledge. Science can no longer be construed simply as the ideal of the quest for truth (i.e., "pure science"). Science has become the source of economic power and political power. In this paper, I argue that nanotechnology is a cardinal exemplar of "this politicization." At the same time, I assert that this new scientific ethos offers the possibility of a better integration of ethical and philosophical reflections at the core of scientific and technological development.     

跨国公司的债务责任承担探析

随着跨国公司在国外设立子公司数量的增多,母公司为实现全球性战略目标而牺牲子公司利益进而损害东道国利益的行为成为了一个经常性的可能与事实。在这种情况发生的时候,若仅根据有限责任原则让子公司独立承担责任显然有违法律和社会的公平与正义。在母公司对子公司的经营管理进行了过度的控制而导致债务发生的时候,让跨国公司的母公司为子公司的债务承担责任具有充分的理由和现实意义。     

Conditions for Guilt-Free Consumption in a Transnational Criminal Market

It has been widely opined in discussions around a number of transnational criminal markets that where a global economic supply and demand relationship exists, demand reduction by way of consumer education and ‘awareness-raising’ may be an effective intervention in reducing illicit trade. It seems an obvious and sensible suggestion on the face of it, but just how amenable are consumers to being educated away from purchasing illicitly obtained and trafficked goods, and what are the barriers that stand in the way of that process of demand reduction through awareness-raising? This paper approaches these questions by asking what are the conditions for guilt-free consumption in the international trade in illicit cultural objects. The paper identifies seven such conditions, and concludes that in this global market we are witnessing the playing out of a common social story in which a powerful group of market capitalists and end-consumers employs a range of sociologically developed linguistic and performative strategies to obfuscate or legitimise their exploitation of a group of less powerful victims. If that is the context for the so-called debate about illicit antiquities, crime-reduction strategies involving consumer education seem considerably more difficult to achieve than has been widely recognised in policy discussions on transnational crime.     

市场与管制的迷思——兼论我国社会保障基金的运营及其监管

社会保障基金大案频发凸显了我国社会保障基金政府主导运营模式的弊端、严格限制投资立法的欠科学性和监管环节的薄弱。面对学界要求社会保障基金市场化的呼声,实现严格监管下的投资开禁、引导基金运营的市场化和专业化以及强化监管力量是解决当下社会保障基金困境的现实选择,但"一刀切"的全部市场化倾向并不足取,理性的做法应该是根据社会保障基金的不同类型和特性采取不同的管理和运营模式,即分别交由政府和市场运营。与此同时,鉴于不同的运营模式对监管模式的需求亦存有差异,故在不同的运营模式下,监管模式亦应有第三方监管和行政监管之别。