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European Studies used to be dominated by legal and political science approaches which hailed the progress of European integration and its reliance on law. The recent set of crises that struck the EU have highlighted fundamental problems in the ways and means by which European integration unfolds. The quasi‐authoritarian emergency politics deployed in the euro crisis is a radical expression of the fading prevalence of democratic processes to accommodate economic and social diversity in the Union. As we argue in this paper, however, the mainstreams in both disciplines retain a largely affirmative and apologetic stance on the EU's post‐democratic and extra‐constitutional development. While political science contributions mostly content themselves with a revival of conventional integration theories and thus turn a blind eye to normatively critical aspects of European crisis governance, legal scholarship is in short supply of normatively convincing theoretical paradigms and thus aligns itself with the functionalist reasoning of the EU's Court of Justice. Yet, we also identify critical peripheries in both disciplines which intersect in their critical appraisal of the authoritarian tendencies that inhere in the crisis‐ridden state of European integration. Their results curb the prevailing optimism and underline that the need for fundamental reorientations in both the theory and practice of European integration has become irrefutable.  相似文献   

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This article examines the recent academic interest in litigation as a tool to address climate change, as well as the surge of legal actions worldwide to bring the problem to the attention of judiciaries. This new interest reveals the frustration of legal scholars and activists at the slow rate at which policy makers are addressing the climate change problem. This article shows the slow build-up of academic interest in litigation, before moving on to analyse the kinds of legal causes of action that are being used in different parts of the world. Most of these cases have not been fully resolved, and it is more than likely that the judgments may not always be favourable to the plaintiffs, but at least a first step has been made to involve yet another forum for addressing the climate change problem.  相似文献   

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The seventeenth century placed Western political thought on a path increasingly concerned with ascertaining the legitimacy of a determinate individual, parliamentary or popular sovereign. As early as Shakespeare, however, a parallel literary tradition serves not to systematise, but to problematise the discourses used to assert the legitimacy with which control over law and government is exercised. This article examines discourses of legal and political legitimacy spawned in early modernity. It is argued that basic notions of ‘right’, ‘duty’, ‘justice’ and ‘power’ (corresponding, in their more vivid manifestations, to categories of ‘heir’, ‘celebrity’, ‘martyr’ and ‘monster’) combine in discrete, but always encumbered ways, to generate a variety of legitimating discourses. Whilst transcendentalist versions of those discourses begin to wane, their secular analogues acquire steadily greater force. In addition to the Shakespearean histories, works of John Milton, Pierre Corneille, Jean Racine, Friedrich Schiller and Richard Wagner are examined, along with some more contemporary or ironic renderings.
Eric HeinzeEmail:
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邱水平 《法学杂志》2016,(10):65-72
正确认识和处理法律效果、社会效果与政治效果的关系具有重要意义.坚持“三个效果”的统一既是中国特色社会主义法治的内在要求,反映出法治建设的普遍规律,也是当前经济社会发展和执法司法实践的现实需要.在执法实践中坚持“三个效果”的统一,必须自觉践行党的领导、群众路线、服务大局、公平正义等理念,处理好党的领导与司法机关依法独立行使职权、实体公正与程序公正、法律与情理、执法司法与舆论监督等方面的重要关系,更要着力提升政法队伍的综合素质.  相似文献   

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《Law & policy》1988,10(2-3):85-95
This symposium is based upon a workshop at the 1985 World Congress of the International Research Council for the Sociology of Law in Aix-en-Provence, France. Special thanks are due to the participants in the workshop for their contributions to a stimulating and useful discussion of the complex issues in socio-legal research and the public policy process.  相似文献   

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合芜蚌自主创新试验区是我国第一家以"自主创新"为主题的综合配套改革试验区,将在总体上实施"六大工程和六项改革",在创新平台的建设上实施"五通工程、五个机制"。通过比较分析不同区域的科技政策,可以确定合芜蚌自主创新试验区科技政策与法律的竞争力,从而为试验区政策与法律体系的深化提供理论支撑。  相似文献   

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As digital automation expands across social contexts, the way in which legal systems respond when algorithms produce lies and hate presents a pressing policy problem. Search results, autofill suggestions, and intelligent personal assistants generate seemingly objective information for users in order to be helpful, efficient or fun but, as social technologies, can also produce prejudicial and false content. Chatbots and trending lists have made headlines for quickly being transformed from sweet to spiteful and political to inaccurate. As humans progressively engage with and rely on machine communication, the legality of algorithmically created information that harms the reputation or dignity of an individual, entity or group is a policy question posed and answered differently around the world. This article compares various defamation and hate speech laws through the lens of algorithmic content production – mean machine communication – and presents a set of outstanding issues that will require international and interdisciplinary attention.  相似文献   

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Graduation and Deepening: An Ambitious Post-2012 Climate Policy Scenario   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
In the second commitment period 2013–2017, the Kyoto Protocol structure is strengthened considerably. The current Annex B countries agree to reduction targets averaging 23% reductions from 1990 level. This induces non-Annex B countries to take up emissions targets according to a multi-tiered graduation system. Graduation is undertaken according to thresholds defined by per capita GDP and emissions. Compared to the current Annex B, coverage of emissions by absolute caps would increase by about 25%; large low-income countries such as India and China do not graduate. Therefore, large emitters above 50 million t. p.a. can utilise a policy-based Clean Development Mechanism. Sinks of all types – terrestrial, marine and geological can be used. To achieve this policy scenario, voter pressure due to extreme meteorological events and a coordination of all progressive forces in the international climate negotiations are necessary. Moreover, a judicious combination of carrots and sticks has to be developed to entice Non-Annex B countries to graduate.  相似文献   

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Burden Sharing and Fairness Principles in International Climate Policy   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
One of the major challenges facing participants in the global climate change negotiations is to find a scheme of burden sharing that can be accepted as "fair" by all or at least most governments. In this article we first explore which basic principles of fairness seem to be sufficiently widely recognized to serve as a normative basis for such a scheme. We then examine a set of proposals for differentiating obligations that have been submitted by governments in the negotiations leading up to the Kyoto Protocol to see which principles have been honored. In the concluding section we discuss the implications of our analysis for the design of more specific burden sharing rules.  相似文献   

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