国际恐怖主义问题与反恐怖斗争合作(续)

国际反恐怖斗争 20世纪70-80年代,恐怖主义活动热点比较明确,攻击的目标也主要是集中在某些国家。在这一时期,国际反恐怖斗争还未形成普遍合作的趋势。甚至可以说,有些并未遭受恐怖活动困扰的国家对于国际恐怖主义问题采取的是“冷眼旁观”的态度。进入90年代后,恐怖主义活动的进一步扩大蔓延迫使许多国家不得不改变态度和看法,如英国2001年通过的新的《反恐怖主义法》,就把禁止国际恐怖主义组织在英国进行募资、宣传等活动列入此法中。此前因许多恐怖主义组织能在英国公开活动,使英国与许多国家产生矛盾。如斯里兰卡泰米尔猛虎组织在英国就开办有公司及办事处;许多阿拉伯国家也对英国不引渡一些伊斯兰极端主义组织的头目,并允许他们公开活动表示强烈不满。法国在70年代对不针对本国的国际恐怖主义分子也是“睁只眼,闭只眼”,不对他们采取行     

Henry Kissinger: Realism,Domestic Politics,and the Struggle Against Exceptionalism in American Foreign Policy

Henry Kissinger was the single most controversial diplomat of the 20th century. This article explores Kissinger's approach to the philosophy of realism in international affairs, his role in Vietnam policy making, and his most recent engagement in the debate over the Iraq War. It argues that Kissinger's realism, although philosophically consistent and having roots within his own life's experience, was always tempered by his desire to exercise influence within the American political system. Once in office under Richard Nixon and then Gerald Ford, Kissinger came to recognise how significantly domestic politics shaped American foreign policy. His involvement in the Vietnam War demonstrates this, and one lesson he took from that conflict was the hope that Americans could be persuaded to move away from their convictions about American exceptionalism and recognise the limits of American power.     

America's backyard

Eric Paul Roorda, The Dictator Next Door: The Good Neighbour Policy and the Trujillo Regime in the Dominican Republic, 1930–1945. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1998. Pp.xii + 337. ISBN 0 8223 2123 8 (paperback).

Stephen G. Rabe, The Most Dangerous Area in the World: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. Pp.257. ISBN 0 8078 4764 X (paperback).

William M. LeoGrande, Our Own Backyard: The United States in Central America, 1977–1992. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. Pp.xvi + 773. ISBN 0 8078 2395 3 (hardback).     

拉美的新结构主义理论——转型时期现代化道路的新思考

本文在对拉美新结构主义理论的兴起背景、主要内容、新结构主义与新自由主义的异同、新结构主义与传统结构主义的异同、以及新结构主义的影响进行阐述和分析的基础上,认为拉美新结构主义是结构主义理论与新自由主义理论调和的产物,是转型时期拉美现代化道路的新思考,尽管新结构主义思路仍存在缺陷,但在目前的条件下,它是拉美各国替代新自由主义理论和政策的相对可信的和可行的选择,其影响力将有不断扩大之势。     

变化中的美国宗教图景

根据皮尤研究中心新开展的一项广泛调查,美国人口中基督徒所占比重在下降,而成年人中不属于任何有组织宗教的人口在上升.此外,宗教图景中出现的这些变化,影响着美国所有的地区以及众多的人口群体.基督徒尽管在美国各个年龄段中都有所减少,而青壮年中则表现得尤为明显;同样的降势体现在白人、黑人和拉丁裔中,体现在大学毕业生以及仅有高中文凭的成年人中,也体现在男性和女性中.     

America's Old/New Meets Russia's True/False: The Case of Europe's North

Recent talk about Europe's diminishing importance to America's policymaking is here regarded as unfounded. Europe remains an indispensable signifier tightly embedded in the soul of the US as well as that of Russia. With identity being a relational process and profoundly social in character, both America and Russia employ Europe as the main mirror in which they portray themselves. This article unpacks their respective delineations of Europe: the American old/new as outlined by Donald Rumsfeld, and the Russian true/false, focusing on Europe's North as a region where the two perspectives might potentially clash.     

America's freedom to act in the Caspian Area

After the break up of the Soviet Union the conflict over energy resources in the Caspian area has flared up again. The United States has entered the stage, but the only remaining superpower finds it hard to forward its security policy interests and interests in the economic sphere in the area. The creation of a US‐dominated hegemony in the area would be beneficial for the United States, but the policy of containment of Iran and Russia, and US policy towards Azerbaijan seriously limits this possibility. Thus it is not possible to secure American influence in the Caspian area. In the long term this leaves the area open to Russia and Iran, or new actors such as China and the EU, unless the United States is willing to soften its policy vis‐à‐vis Iran and/or Azerbaijan in order to create the needed hegemony, and in this way achieve economic and political influence in the former Soviet republics.     

国会与美国外交决策

作为代议制民主的突出体现,国会在美国政治生活中发挥着重大作用.时至今日,美国国会依旧是当今世界上各国议会中最具影响力的立法机构.其作用不仅显示在美国国内政策的制订上,而且还渗透于美国的对外政策中.     

拉丁美洲民主化与可治理性问题分析

20世纪90年代以来,关于拉美民主化进程的研究已经从关注民主转型转变为分析民主体制的巩固、质量和治理问题.民主政治体制确立以后的具体制度安排与运作是一个社会能否实现可治理性的关键因素之一.民主政治的竞争、参与、问责等诉求与民主体制的稳定、秩序和效率等要求构成某种紧张的关系,体现在拉美国家政府组织的基本形式即总统制及其与政党、选举、司法等制度的相互关系之中.这种情况在拉美各国虽有差异,但探讨其一般特征仍不失为分析民主体制现状和前途的一种思路,也是民主化以后拉丁美洲可治理性研究中首先要加以认识的问题.     

国际反腐斗争的新趋势

腐败已成世界性瘟疫,任何国家都难幸免。反对腐败的斗争已成世界各国的政治斗争。染指贪迹的政府官员和国家工作人员不胜枚举,给国家、民族带来直接和间接性的损失难以尽数。为了减少或消除政府腐败这一痼疾,上个世纪后20年以来,100多个国家不同程度地开展了反对腐败的斗争,反腐风暴席卷全球,几乎所有的民族都在探索祛除腐败的途径,并纷纷出台反腐良策。     

Brockdorff-Rantzau and the Struggle for a Just Peace

Weimar Germany’s first foreign minister, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, presented the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 with a pamphlet of detailed German counterproposals to the peace terms. In a concise cover letter, which was translated into English by the author of the article, the experienced diplomat Brockdorff-Rantzau put forward his most convincing arguments for a fair settlement at Versailles. Though the counterproposals were ultimately rejected, this rare document represents one of the only direct attempts at negotiation that took place between Germany and the Allied powers. This article analyzes Brockdorff-Rantzau’s style of negotiation in order to discern whether the German government’s hopes for a balanced settlement were based on naiveté or cynicism. By outlining three coherent themes in his writings—anger/defensiveness, compromise, and the rule of law—this paper argues that Brockdorff-Rantzau’s words are indicative of a more cynical motivation behind his seemingly perspicuous arguments.     

Benign Neglect: America's Threat to the Anglo-American Alliance

The United States can ill afford to lose the loyalty of proven allies. Yet it risks currently weakening one of its most important and enduring friendships. British popular support for America has been shaken and elite commitment to the special relationship faces a potentially formidable array of contrary strategic and partisan arguments. Some of these are overstated but there is a further danger that is little mentioned but just as corrosive—American benign neglect. If in the pursuit of new allies and objectives America is not to squander extant assets, then it must do more to nurture the reflexive British Atlanticism that has helped sustain Anglo-American relations through their numerous crises.     

2000年拉美国家的对外关系

20 0 0年拉美国家的对外关系非常活跃。在与美国的关系中 ,拉美国家坚持反霸立场 ,一致反对美国的干涉和军事渗透 ;拉美与欧盟、俄罗斯及亚洲国家的多元化外交也取得一定进展 ;拉美地区的政治经济合作不断加强 ,巴西、墨西哥和智利在这方面发挥了积极作用。但是 ,拉美地区的国际关系格局并未发生根本改变 ,美国仍是影响拉美政治经济发展的最重要的外部力量。     

美国对外战略调整与中美关系--"小布什政府对华政策走向"学术研讨会综述

本文对与会学者观点进行了分类整理,主要概括为美国战略调整的背景、演变过程、性质、重点、原因、小布什政府对华政策的特点和影响等.     

保持斗争精神捍卫国家主权

在纪念攻打蒙卡达兵营 50周年之际 ,同大家一起讨论其历史意义 ,这对于古巴驻中国的代表们来说是感到高兴的。感谢你们提议开展这一活动 ,这本身就表明了中国人民对古巴人民的支持。古巴人民今天仍然生活在反革命势力的不断威胁之下。反革命势力失去了在古巴的特权 ,他们无视古巴这个小国所表现出的勇敢和尊严。古巴就在美国的眼皮底下 ,对于世界被压迫的人民来说 ,古巴是个榜样。在菲德尔·卡斯特罗律师的领导下 ,在先哲何塞·马蒂百年诞辰之际 ,一批古巴革命青年攻打蒙卡达兵营的行动表明 ,古巴一股新的社会力量正在开展反对军人的斗争。…     

巴勒斯坦民族解放斗争的领袖--阿拉法特

亚西尔·阿拉法特(Yassir Arafat,1929年8月24日～2004年11月11日),生前是中东政治风云中的重要人物,从1969年任巴解组织主席起,执政35个春秋,是中东地区执政年代最长的政治家和领导人之一.难能可贵的是,他数十年不屈不挠,带领巴勒斯坦人民为抵抗以色列的侵占而进行了艰苦卓绝的斗争.他的事业赢得了世界绝大多数国家和人民的深切同情与支持.