Feminist criminology in an era of misogyny†

In this address I make the case for continuing to focus criminological research on gender, sexism, and racism within our lives and within our profession. I also provide a brief case study of a topic many would feel falls well outside our field: reproductive rights. Data are reviewed to reveal the impact of gender on the lives of women—notably the devaluation of work done by women, particularly if the work is deemed feminist. Afterward, recent data on the persistence of both sexism and racism in our field are reviewed. Despite gains made by women (notably in the membership of the field), the highest positions in our professional association are held by men, particularly by White men. Data on the importance of reproductive rights to women are then considered, notably the fact that nearly one third of women will need abortion services by the time they reach middle age. Finally, I review recent efforts by conservatives to recriminalize abortion, specifically through the passage of laws making abortion difficult to arrange, or even outlawing the provision of abortion services. These efforts directly involve the criminal justice system in the criminalization of women's bodies.     

Abortion in Israel: Community, Rights, and the Context of Compromise

In contrast to American understandings of abortion as a uniquely tragic dilemma, the Israeli abortion issue is a tangential controversy in a larger debate over the relationship between the state's national and democratic identity. The divergent paths of abortion politics in Israel and the United States reflect important differences in underlying religious doctrines, geographical size, feminist ideologies, and the immediacy of other social cleavages. More profoundly, the two abortion stories are the product of distinct understandings of the mutual obligations between citizens and their state and of the relationship between individual and collective rights and duties. While these differences may account for the capacity of Israeli activists on both sides to forge pragmatic compromises, the stability of these policies is uncertain both because of changing Israeli priorities and the import of American conceptions of the abortion dispute.     

民国民法中离婚权利的司法实践——以新繁县司法档案案例为线索

民国民法颁行后,传统法律对妇女离婚权利的约束和否定得到纠正,在司法实践中,妇女也开始运用民国民法提出离婚诉讼以维护自身的权利。以民国新繁县司法档案中的李绍先案为线索,结合该县同时期30余件离婚案件,可以描述出民国民法实施以后,在基层社会中,妇女是如何依据现代婚姻法律赋予的离婚权利进行离婚诉讼的司法场景的,从而说明,民国民法的离婚制度不仅在立法上取得了进步,而且在实际上也的确促进了妇女权利意识的觉醒。     

China and UN environmental policy: institutional growth,learning and implementation

The focus of this article is on whether, and to what extent, the major UN bodies for environmental issues—the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), the Commission for Sustainable Development (CSD), and the Global Environmental Facility (GEF)—have had any impact upon how China addresses and approaches its environmental issues. The UN bodies seem to have had some degree of day-to-day influence in a range of fields. UNEP has provided assistance in terms of policy formulation, technical assistance, training of personnel, public awareness and networking. The CSD seems to have made fewer practical and concrete contributions to China’s environmental policies; it serves as an arena for learning and discussion of environmental issues, rather than as a body for policy implementation. The GEF, on the other hand, has been an important source for the implementation of environmental policies in China. As to China’s contribution to environmental issues on the global arena, China does not seem to give priority to the international level of environmental policies. It is an active participant and stakeholder in international bodies such as UNEP and the CSD, but it is currently not providing any leadership. This is in clear contrast to domestic policy, where environmental issues are becoming increasingly important, attracting the attention of the media, policy-makers and the public. The article concludes that should this trend consolidate, establishing the management of the environment and natural resources as major issues in Chinese politics, it is reasonable to expect that China will in the future aim to play a leading role in environmental politics at the international level.     

Policing Women’s Bodies in an Illiberal Society: The Case of Ireland

This journal article outlines the history of the policing women’s bodies in Ireland in the context of law, crime and reproduction. It does this by means of three case studies. The first case study explores the policing of women’s bodies in relation to sexuality. The second case study focuses on reproduction and the policing of women’s bodies in relation to reproduction. The third and final case study considers the policing of women’s bodies in relation to abortion. Taken together, these three case studies provide an overview of the capacity, and indeed the readiness, that exists in Irish society to police women’s bodies and to do so particularly in relation to sexuality and reproduction.     

The Trump Effect,Children, and the Value of Human Rights Education

Since launching his presidential campaign, Donald Trump's rhetoric has often been divisive as well as demeaning of selected groups. This article examines the impact of Trump's rhetoric on children and their communities and explores the role that human rights education can play in responding to Trump and forging broader support for human rights. The article reviews the research on human rights education and considers how human rights education can be embedded in broader efforts to educate children. Using children's literature as a case study, the article argues for the importance of mainstreaming human rights education and meeting children where they are, in order to foster greater recognition of and respect for the rights of all individuals.     

论自决权的性质——一种国际法与国内法的综合分析

在国际政治和国际法领域里,自决权是一个难以明确界定的有争议的概念。它的内容、主体和适用范围始终在不断适应国际政治的变化和发展,它的重心也必将随着其内容、主体和适用范围的发展变化而发生相应的转移。这一重心转移的过程,既是自决权从外部自决向内部自决回归的过程;也是自决权由以国际法原则为重心转移到以国内法原则为重心的过程;同时也是自决权自身内涵不断扩大的历史过程。在这一过程中,自决权先后主要是独立权、国家主权、人权、发展权、人民主权和自治权。自决权的内涵及其重心转移说明,台湾当局企图分裂国家,搞“独立公投”的所谓“自决”,既违背国际法原则,也违背国内法原则,实际上是行不通的。     

The European Court of Human Rights,Amicus Curiae,and Violence against Women

Are international courts and advocacy group legal mobilization shaping human rights politics? This question poses a theoretical and empirical challenge to state dominated understandings of international litigation. This article theorizes the interaction between advocacy groups and the European Court of Human Rights and the role this participation plays in the enforcement and development of human rights. The analyses examine institutional factors shaping broad trends in mobilization complemented by two in depth studies examining a single mode of participation, amicus curiae and a single area of law, violence against women. The data identify the critical role standing rules, court review powers and group expertise play in transnational rights mobilization and development. The findings bring into question dominant understandings of international law and contribute to a more complex understanding of law in a global age where international courts and societal actors are shaping the direction of rights protection.     

CHILDREN,THE UNCRC,AND FAMILY LAW IN ENGLAND AND WALES

There is no doubt that, overall, there has been a great deal of activity in relation to children's rights under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) since it was ratified by the UK government in 1991. Of particular significance in the context of family law, however, are the provisions of Article 12, which have in many ways proved to be more problematic than other provisions, not least because, in the context of family law, children's participation rights are necessarily juxtaposed with the long‐standing and hitherto unchallenged rights of parents to make important decisions about family life. The reorganisation in 2001 of the family court welfare services in England and Wales with the creation of the Children and Family Courts Advisory and Support Service (CAFCASS), generated a new impetus for the consideration of children's participation rights and, at an organizational level, considerable progress has been made in embracing the provisions of the UNCRC. More problematic, however, is the acceptance of children's participation in making decisions about their futures by adults using and working in the family justice system. At the level of the courts, judicial attitudes are slow to change and in England, as court judgments often demonstrate, these are firmly rooted in a view of children as being incompetent in such issues; at the level of parents using the system, it is arguable that new discourses about the best interests of the child serve as a proxy for continuing discourses about parents’ rights that have become evident, most recently, in the context of an increasingly influential fathers’ rights lobby; and at the level of welfare practitioners, recent research also demonstrates that, although the rhetoric of children's rights is widely accepted, the willingness and ability to make these real in the context of family proceedings is, for a variety of reasons, less in evidence.     

Barcelona 2002: law, ethics, and human rights. HIV/AIDS-related stigma and discrimination: a conceptual framework

Only if we understand where HIV/AIDS-related stigma and discrimination come from, and how they are connected to broader social inequalities and the denial of fundamental human rights, can we develop effective strategies to combat them. This article is a much-condensed version of a keynote presentation given at "Meeting the Stigma Challenge: New Paradigms for Civil Society," a satellite meeting held in Barcelona on 8 July 2002, and sponsored by the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). The presentation described the conceptual framework underpinning the 2002-2003 World AIDS Campaign, whose theme is "HIV/AIDS-Related Stigma and Discrimination," and whose slogan is "Live and Let Live." In this article, Peter Aggleton provides a conceptual overview of the relationship between the stigma and discrimination associated with HIV and AIDS and the human rights violations that ensue from them, with the goal of demonstrating the interconnectedness of these concerns. He also provides some examples of concrete steps that can be taken to counter the stigma, discrimination, and human rights violations.     

Personhood,property rights,and the permissibility of abortion

The purpose of this paper is to argue that the tactic of granting a fetus the legal status of a person will not, contrary to the expectations of opponents of abortion, provide grounds for a general prohibition on abortions. I begin by examining two arguments, one moral (J. J. Thomson's ‘A Defense of Abortion’) and the other legal (D. Regan's ‘Rewriting Roe v. Wade’), which grant the assumption that a fetus is a person and yet argue to the conclusion that abortion is permissible. However, both Thomson and Regan rely on the so-called bad samaritan principle. This principle states that a person has a right to refuse to give aid. Their reliance on this principle creates problems, both in the moral and the legal contexts, since the bad samaritan principle is intended to apply to passive refusals to aid; abortion, however, does not look like any such passive denial of aid, and so it does not seem like the sort of action covered by the bad samaritan principle. In defense of the positions outlined by Thomson and Regan, I argue that the apparent asymmetry between abortion and the usual type of case covered by the bad samaritan principle is only apparent and not a genuine problem for their analyses. I conclude with a defense of the morality of the bad samaritan principle.     

A GOOD EXAMPLE OF PARENT ADVOCACY FOR RIGHTS IN INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN CHINA

While children with disabilities experience exclusion and segregation in education, parents’ involvement has been very limited due to the lack of parent support in China. Negative attitudes toward disability in an environment deeply influenced by the individual model of disability thinking makes it crucial for parents to advocate for their children’s rights in inclusive education through collaborative and organized efforts. This article examines barriers obstructing disabled children’s rights in pursuing inclusive education, barriers parents face to advocate for their children, and the development of parent support. The author argues that equal and inclusive education for all has a broader social impact beyond disability rights to eliminate barriers and pursue dignity for all. In doing so, the author reveals existing structural inequalities facing inclusive education, encourages the momentum for future changes, and utilizes a good example of parent advocacy for a deeper and meaningful policy advancement to overcome discrimination on the basis of disability that causes segregation and exclusion in education. Recommendations include strategies for the construction of a support network for parents to play their important roles in advancing the rights of their disabled children in inclusive education.     

Child health policy in the U.S.: the paradox of consensus

The U.S. spends more of its total GNP on health services than any other nation, yet it has one of the highest infant mortality rates in the industrialized world. Young American children are immunized at rates that are one-half those of Western Europe, Canada, and Israel. In the mid-1980s, a consensus among policymakers on the need for federal action to improve child health services resulted in the expansion of Medicaid eligibility for pregnant women and young children and the separation of Medicaid eligibility from eligibility for AFDC. The current phase of child health policymaking includes discussion of much broader proposals for changes in health care financing and innovation in health care delivery. This examination of child health policy begins by reviewing the politics of maternal and child health services from the early twentieth century to the Reagan administration, including the role of feminist movements, the development of pediatrics, and the expansion of federal involvement during the 1960s. Next, the politics of Medicaid expansion as a strategy for addressing child health issues are discussed. Current critiques of child health services in the U.S. are examined, along with proposals to restructure health care financing and delivery. Central to the politics of child health policy during the 1980s and into the 1990s is the way in which child health has been defined. Infant mortality and childhood illness are presented as preventable problems. Investment in young children is discussed as a prudent as well as a compassionate policy, one which will reduce future health care costs and enhance our position in the international economy. Unlike other "disadvantaged groups," children are universally viewed as innocent and deserving of societal support. Framing child health issues in these terms helped to produce consensus on the expansion of Medicaid eligibility. Yet the issues beyond the expansion of Medicaid eligibility involve the restructuring of health care financing and delivery, and, on these issues, conflict is far more likely than consensus.     

Our Baby,Her Choices: The Need for Enforcement of Gestational Surrogate Contracts

Many women in the Unites States have difficulty getting pregnant or carrying a baby to term. As a result, many couples turn to gestational surrogacy. Surrogacy became public in the United States in the late 1970s. In the mid 1980s, disputes began to arise and are still prevalent today. Courts first attempted to resolve these disputes by looking for public policy guidelines. However, the results were inconsistent. Still today, there is no uniform law. Even in states where surrogate contracts are legal, courts have refused to order specific performance to enforce abortion or reduction provisions. However, courts should not shy away from this. This Note proposes a federal statute mandating that gestational surrogate contracts be enforced thus protecting the rights of intended parents.     

Taking Abortion Rights Seriously: Whole Woman's Health v Hellerstedt

In Whole Woman's Health v Hellerstedt the Supreme Court of the United States passed down its most important decision on abortion for just under a decade. By a majority of 5‐3, the Court ruled that two provisions in a Texas law regulating abortion on grounds of women's health were constitutionally invalid, placing a ‘substantial obstacle’ in the way of women seeking to exercise their right to abortion. This comment delineates the key ways in which the Court's application of the standard of constitutional review under Planned Parenthood v Casey (1992) to the Texas provisions marks a landmark development for the protection of the constitutional right to abortion established in Roe v Wade, not the least by making clear that state abortion regulations which cite ‘women's health’ justifications should not pass constitutional review where those justifications lack a credible factual basis.     

Child,early, and forced marriages (CEFM) in the Commonwealth: the role of the judiciary

Forced marriage, especially that involving children, is one of the greatest challenges facing individuals around the world and is integral to the full realization of universal human rights, women’s rights, and the rights of the child. This paper examines the effects of child, early and forced marriages (CEFM) within the Commonwealth, with a specific focus on East Africa, and highlights how to best address the issue using international, regional, and national legal norms and judicial processes currently in place. The East African countries examined are Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda and Tanzania. The paper begins with a general introduction of why combating CEFM is an important topic for consideration by the Commonwealth Secretariat and the efforts being made to address it. The introduction is then followed by the background section which gives a historical overview of CEFM at the global level. The paper defines ‘CEFM’, which is crucial since the definitions often vary depending on how CEFM is worded in respective jurisdictions, followed by CEFM’s manifestation within East Africa. Discussing the history of CEFM often helps one understand the hidden challenges that hinder effective implementation of efforts to counter it. The discussion on hidden challenges illustrates how culture and customs play an important role in the prevalence and acceptance of CEFM, as well its damaging effects on education and health. The rest of the paper examines the legal frameworks in place to address CEFM within the four jurisdictions. This includes examination of international instruments such as the Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriage to regional instruments such as the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, in an attempt to analyze the legal obligations that arise from these conventions. Considering that the main target audience of this paper are those within the judiciary (most specifically East Africa), it is important also to take a closer look at the national legal frameworks in place, comprising of national constitutions and statutory laws. The paper then concludes with a section on recommendations and finally and most importantly relevant case law in Appendix 1.     

Human rights dynamics of abortion law reform

The legal approach to abortion is evolving from criminal prohibition towards accommodation as a life-preserving and health-preserving option, particularly in light of data on maternal mortality and morbidity. Modern momentum for liberalization comes from international adoption of the concept of reproductive health, and wider recognition that the resort to safe and dignified healthcare is a major human right. Respect for women's reproductive self-determination legitimizes abortion as a choice when family planning services have failed, been inaccessible, or been denied by rape. Recognition of women's rights of equal citizenship with men requires that their choices for self-determination be legally respected, not criminalized.     

‘It’s Not OK’, but ‘It’ never happened: parental alienation accusations undermine children’s safety in the New Zealand Family Court

ABSTRACT

While the public campaign slogan in New Zealand when referring to family violence, is ‘It’s Not OK’, many women in New Zealand report that the Family Court prefers the catchphrase ‘It never happened’. When women and children escaping violence and abuse reach out to the New Zealand Family Court for protection believing the justice system will help them, they often enter an alternative reality where they are not believed and are subsequently made less safe. This is particularly so for those women whose well-founded fears for their children’s safety get reinterpreted as evidence of a deliberate attempt to alienate the children from their fathers. The Backbone Collective, an independent organisation, surveyed New Zealand women about their experiences in the Family Court, finding that many women reported being accused of parental alienation. This paper investigates the sources of these allegations of parental alienation and how they impact mothers and their children. We argue that the use of parental alienation in the New Zealand Family Court is undermining the international rights of children.