Clase política y medios: explorando el fenómeno de la publicidad política encubierta en México

This work presents the results of a qualitative research that explores the phenomenon of political publicity on noncommercial television content, which has been growing since the electoral reform of 2007–2008. Since then, the acquisition of airtime for electoral advertising purposes, as well as the appearance of public officials on government advertising has been prohibited. The information was gathered through ‘in depth’ interviews, and analyzed through Strauss and Corbin grounded theory model, which allowed confirmation of the existence of covert political publicity, as well as to provide a definition of this concept and determine its causes, characteristics, and consequences. It was concluded that, despite the legal modification aiming to guarantee a more equitable political communication model and the eradication of airtime commercialization for electoral campaigning, this was not achieved due to structural conditions of the political system in Mexico and the relation between media and government, which impacts political communication, and extends beyond the electoral issue and its regulatory framework.     

Dos modelos frente a la diversidad cultural: igualitarismo formal y ciudadanía diferenciada

Contemporary globalized societies are culturally and religiously plural. Nation states apply different juridical regulation vis-a-vis diversity. Segregation and total assimilation of minority groups are not compatible with international standards of human rights. Among the regulations that are compatible with those standards there are two categories. Firstly, the formal egalitarian approach, related to the liberal-republican tradition, which is based on a formal consideration of equality and disregards identity differences. Secondly, theoretical proposals which promote the recognition of rights based on cultural and religious identities. These proposals, however, require a more flexible consideration of the equality principle.     

El camino hacia el poder Analizando la carrera política de los gobernadores argentinos (1983–2011)

The specific traits of Argentina's federal system are crucial to understand the institutional reality of this country and how politics work. Under this logic we find a component of great relevance: governors. As regards the analysis of political careers, most researches have focused on legislative functions, be it at a national or subnational level. Governors have been mostly studied as determinant factors of legislator's career development. However, there is not much research on the political career of provincial executive authorities. This work deepens the research on governors and their political career, with the purpose of understanding their origins and development. It is based on the study of elected governors between 1983 and 2011 in the 23 Argentinian provinces and the capital city (Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires). The conclusions drawn from the present study intend to deliver a first approach to the analysis of Argentinian governors’ political careers since the return to democracy in 1983, and establish a basis for future compared studies between federal countries in the region, as Brazil and Mexico.     

Enfrentando las políticas de integración y de ciudadanía: migrantes latinoamericanos en la ciudad europea

Over the last two decades, and with the so-called failure of multiculturalism, an important debate has emerged around integration policy making for immigrants in Europe. While these policies should aim to strengthen the participation of immigrant groups in all spheres of society and encourage intercultural processes, in practise, immigrants are made to shoulder the whole responsibility of their integration. Given the international economic and political context, Europe has underscored its rejection of non-western immigration and its policies tend to enforce control measures as well as the establishment of strict selection criteria. As shown in the Latin-American case, the efficiency of these policies is limited and migrants are participating in host societies through the use of informal social and civic networks and transnational activities developed by migrants themselves, instead of through formal policies designed to integrate them. Immigrants are opening alternative channels of participation in response to the weakness in the government's policies. The resurgence of the concepts of citizenship and national identity as a strategy for integration and social cohesion, and the urgency that characterises these integration policies despite the fact that they are processes that require long-term views and goals, are leading to the inefficiency –if not the failure– of these legislative efforts.     

Los poderes fácticos mediáticos y el surgimiento del Estado híbrido en México

The process of institutional overlapping that developed in Mexico between formal traditional constitutional powers and mass electronic technologies, which gradually attained factual positions in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st, changed the nature and basic governing functions of the national State. Thus, mass media power gave rise to a novel mixing phenomenon that generated a new type of “hybrid State”. The corresponding new historical Republic with a highly political and media oriented nature modified the structure and scenario of the conventional contemporary nation state. The evolution of this historical reality has not yet come to an end, but instead continues to develop with an enormous amount of dynamism and force towards new stages of transformation of the State, public space, and society as a whole, without knowing its final outcome due to the strengthening of factual media power while the major branches of government are gradually weakening. Consequently, society needs to critically engage in an objective analysis of this strategic phenomenon, its phases of transformation and the viable alternatives for recovering the national development path.     

Ana Clavel’s “outlaw” desires in Las ninfas a veces sonríen

As a writer whose fiction is known for its transgressive themes and forms, it is no surprise that the Mexican author Ana Clavel has continued to revel in such contraventions in her novella Las ninfas a veces sonríen (2012). In this article I seek to examine how these, also new transgressions, materialize in the novella specifically within a queer framework. The queer showcases Las ninfas’ exploration of “outlaw” sexual desires as well as the fantastical and intertextual genre-bending. By defying heteronormative sexual normalcy, Clavel is seen to challenge certain “givens” within (Mexican) society, whether these be religious, moral, sexual, or cultural, and thus creating a fascinating representation of society’s particular fears, anxieties, and disavowed desires. In the context of the female character’s sexual experiences, transgressive queereness can be understood by making reference to various theories including those of Kristeva’s abjection/uncanny and Creed’s/Braidotti’s monstrous feminine, whereby the female is positioned in terms of an ambiguous oscillation between unthreatening object of male desire, monstrosity, and celebratory female sexual agency. Ultimately by thus delving into outlawed “no-deseos”, Las ninfas can be posited as a prime example of a Barthesian text of “jouissance” which disrupts the reader’s pleasurable reading experience.     

Calidad democrática en América Latina: ¿proyecto o utopía?

While recognizing the heuristic limits of the concept “democratic quality” this article argues that measuring democracy over time is the most adequate way to identify, discuss and analyze its presence in every country. “Democratic quality” sheds new light on both concept elaboration and empirical studies because it synthetizes two political processes that have developed in the region in the last twenty five years: democratic transition and democratic consolidation. This category allows us to define the current state of Latin American countries in terms of their institutional and societal development of democratic life. We can thus, at least in theory, observe and propose an integrated improvement of existing political regimes in a context in which modern representative democracies are reorganized in terms of their new attributes and rights. Based on these premises, this article proposes two interrelated paths of analysis: a) considering the model of “democratic quality” to analyze Latin American democracies and characterize their present problems; and b) examining the relevance of this model’s heuristic power. The main thesis holds that not even the most visible long or short-term transformations undergone by our democratic political legal codes, since its inception, are sufficient in and of themselves to bring us closer to the democratic quality model, or in other words, to the basis of a democratic State of law.     

The ambivalent Apostle of 1953: a liminal reading of the centenary of José Martí

This article has common Cuban motifs at its core: the prevalent obsession with the notion of collective identity, the ideological and psychological importance of national anniversaries, and the omnipresence of the archetypal patriot José Martí. It approaches all from a particular theoretical perspective, however, and thus presents a new reading of the so-called ideario martiano and of the Cuban “national narrative” at a critical moment of the island’s historical trajectory: 1953, the centenary of Martí’s birth. Taking its lead from cultural anthropology (and particularly from the work of Victor Turner), this article presents the half-century since independence in 1902 as a post-colonial “rite of passage” punctuated by a series of turning points, or “limens,” within which the sense of national identity was exposed to sustained scrutiny by public intellectuals and activists. The article provides evidence of such intense collective introspection in 1953 when commemorations of Martí’s centenary stimulated a re-examination of the Republic in the light of his luminous example. Importantly, this turning point is also exposed as a battleground on which antagonistic interpretations of martiano heroism, Republican history, and national identity faced each other in exegetical strife.     

Cataluña and Castilla,Noucentisme and avant-garde: towards a reading of Salvador Dalí’s Autorretrato cubista (1923)

Salvador Dalí’s Autorretrato cubista is his only major painting done predominantly in the style of Analytic Cubism, although it also incorporates various examples of collage, typically associated with Synthetic Cubism. Close analysis of the compositional structure of the self-portrait, together with the identification and interpretation of the various objects and newspaper fragments glued to its surface, suggest the representation of a self divided and pulled simultaneously in different directions. The major lines of tension involve two oppositions: one between Cataluña and Castilla, that is to say, between a sympathetic stance towards Catalan nationalism versus Castilian centralism (tempered by the positive and horizon-expanding experience of student life in Madrid), and the other between the avant-garde and other artistic styles. This second tension manifests itself in the espousal of Analytic Cubism (with some features of Synthetic Cubism) and, at the same time, the inclusion of certain elements deriving from earlier tendencies, notably Noucentisme, a movement that in turn had very close links with Catalanism. In Autorretrato cubista, painted at the very end of 1923, it therefore seems possible to discern a complex and unresolved psychomachia of diverse and sometimes contradictory allegiances and influences played out on the canvas.     

Sobre l’essència del gènere líric: una reflexió teòrica a l’entorn de la paraula poètica en el llindar de l’experimentació

Abstract

Aquest article defensa que la impossibilitat de definir el gènere líric deriva del mateix caràcter experimental de la praxi poètica, que indaga en els signes amb què opera en un context de màxima expressivitat, i amb independència de la conjuntura històrica i de les actituds deliberadament rupturistes. Així doncs, per bé que s’hi analitzen algunes de les pràctiques d’experimentació habituals – com l’acostament de la poesia a la pintura, la música, o la matemàtica –, el que es resol és que la mateixa tradició poètica suscita ja una fèrtil activitat exploratòria: promou, per una banda, la revisió de tipologies estereotipades; i per una altra, la indagació en la capacitat de la llengua d’expressar el no conscient, i de conceptualitzar la realitat tot reinterpretant-la. L’estudi para esment, però, en el territori català, i sobretot en el vessant poètic d’Albert Ràfols-Casamada, i en els poemes Uh, d’Enric Casasses, i Bratislava o Bucarest, de Manel Ollé.     

Lost in Santa Martha. Limitaciones para una etnografía en una cárcel de mujeres

En este artículo propongo un examen de algunos de los obstáculos establecidos por las autoridades penitenciarias para llevar a cabo un proyecto etnográfico en una cárcel de mujeres de la Ciudad de México. Mi intención es plantear la importancia de formas de investigación-acción en contextos que, como el mexicano, se ven afectados por una profunda crisis de los aparatos del Estado –en particular presto atención a los sistemas educativo, penal y de justicia- que impacta con mayor severidad a grupos vulnerables como es el caso de las mujeres en reclusión que están en el centro de este estudio de caso.     

La sociedad civil de adentro hacia afuera Comunidad,organización y desafío de la influencia política

Having developed conceptually and analytically civil society as a sociological category (based on a conceptual reflection stemming from a theoretical-epistemological dialogue between the collectivist and liberal perspectives), this article accounts for the implications that allow us to understand the potential of civil society in contributing to democratization. Throughout this work the dynamics that characterize the ambiguous relationship between civil society and community –ambiguous in as much communities with exceptionally strong ties between its members can provide both elements for the strengthening of civil society as well as obstacles to its growth– are analyzed. It is argued that the role of communities in relation to civil society in the social construction and civil strengthening of citizenship will depend on several factors, particularly the mechanisms available to build consensus within the community. The threat stemming from neopluralism as a novel discourse of interest intermediation, both for the community and civil society, is explored. In the final section, the implications of this discourse for democracy are discussed.     

Entre la pampa del lenguaje y el alambrado de la escritura: la mancha roja como síntoma de la ambigüedad de lo real en La ocasión de Juan José Saer

La presencia recurrente del color rojo en La ocasión de Saer desempeña una función desestabilizadora en relación a la representación figurativa. En el artículo se establecen analogías entre esta función y el elemento voluble, no mimético de la pintura que el pensador e historiador de arte, Georges Didi-Huberman, denomina como “pan” en contraste con el detalle, categoría asociada con el carácter icónico de la pintura. Al igual que el “pan”, las manchas rojas en la novela apuntan a la dimensión de lo real que se resiste a la legibilidad y señala los límites de la narrativa realista. Saer se vale de contrastes cromáticos para aludir a tensiones políticas y epistemólogicas y a las paradojas de escribir una novela situada en el siglo diecinueve pero incorporando la experiencia literaria del siglo veinte.     

Fiesta y sacrificio Explorando el problema de la transgresión en Georges Bataille

This work is aimed at recreating the logical space and the –articulated or articulable– content of the notion of transgression as George Bataille presents it in “The Eroticism” (1957) based on his two major theoretical influences on this issue: the theory of parties developed by Roger Caillois (1939) and the sacrifice model as understood by Marcel Mauss and Henri Hubert (1899). Based on these theoretical sources it is claimed that Bataille's notion of ritual transgression can be understood as a privileged contention tool of the constitutive social tension; as the mechanism allowing to regulate the reinstatement of violence –that sort of violence that had been removed in order for the society to exist–, opening the way for the social ordering to be maintained, renewed, and reproduced.     

Aspectos políticos de la dependencia financiera en los municipios mexicanos1

Specialized literature has analyzed the impact of changes to fiscal institutions such as The National System of Fiscal Coordination (1980) and the constitutional reforms of article 115 (1983 and 1999) on the degree of financial dependence of local (municipal) governments and the governmental functioning. Political environment as well, affects to an important extent such functioning. Indeed, previous studies in the field of political economy point to the effects of political environment and fiscal institutions -such as public spending and debt- on national and sub-national governments. Based on four variables -political affiliation of the mayor, political affiliation of the governor, composition of local congresses and celebration of local elections-, the authors build indicators of “political confluence” at the municipal level. They study the effect that the degree of political unification at the municipal level has on the financial dependence with respect to the State government, and also to the local Congress. In their analysis, the authors also consider the political affiliation of the mayor and the local electoral cycle. Through its analytical focus and main empirical findings, this article contributes to broadening the scope of empirical studies of municipal financial dependence. Simultaneously, it adds to existing literature in the field of political economy that accounts for public finances at the sub-national level     

Después del consenso: el liberalismo en México (1990-2012)

This article explores the renewal of liberalism in Mexico over the last two decades. It argues that after the long period of one-party hegemonic rule, intellectuals have embraced many of liberalism’s tenets in public debates, such as economic and institutional reform, the defense of individual rights and freedom of expression, etc. It argues that the end of authoritarian rule made this renewal possible and attempts to account for key factors that unite intellectuals from very different ideological backgrounds.     

Russia–EU relations at a crossroads: preventing a new Cold War in a polycentric world

In the past year, the Ukrainian crisis has generated an international discussion about a ‘new Cold War’. This article looks into the likelihood of such a scenario and makes suggestions of how it may be precluded. The course of events depends on whether the current model of globalization can be reversed. This would mean not only a change in the current structure of the global economy, but its dismantling. However, it is obvious that for most European and other states, the risks associated with such a policy outweigh potential geopolitical and economic benefits. The international order is in a state of flux. High risks are unacceptable when governments or nations pursue their interests in a stable environment. But when the balance of power shifts substantially, as it has now, the perception of risk threshold also begins to change. European history has shown that large-scale transformations in international relations in most cases triggered tension and violence, caused by rising demands of ascending powers and by resistance of those who were challenged. In the twenty-first century, the polycentric structure of the world provides an opportunity to achieve a new lasting global settlement, and to put an end to the current period of increasing tension.