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1.
Beáta Huszka 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2017,17(4):591-609
AbstractThe present article seeks to explore the main aspects of Hungary’s EU enlargement policy. It reveals a tension between the government’s committed support for EU enlargement and its critical stance towards the EU on several other fronts. However, on the basis of liberal intergovernmentalist theory, this article argues that this is not a real contradiction since enlargement to the Western Balkans serves Hungary’s national interests in spite of its government’s Euroscepticism. At the same time, Hungary’s questioning of the basic values of the EU as a community of liberal democracies has weakened the legitimacy of Hungarian interventions in favour of speeding up EU enlargement. While Hungary has become ever more isolated from the ‘old’ EU member states, more recently, its government managed to increase its leverage in the Western Balkans and central Europe in the context of the migration crisis. 相似文献
2.
Vasiliki Triga 《South European society & politics》2017,22(2):261-279
The parliamentary elections of 2016, the first following Cyprus’ exit from the bailout programme, took place in a context of indifference on the part of the citizens. Characterised by a decline in bipartisanship, a rise in abstention and a more fragmented party system, the elections paved the way for the historical entry into parliament of the far right party, ELAM. This article sets these outcomes against the broader backdrop of the Great Recession while also paying attention to the reinvigoration of the cultural dimension of political conflict, with potentially significant constraints for future negotiations on the Cyprus problem. 相似文献
3.
Andreas Ladner 《Swiss Political Science Review》2004,10(4):3-32
Die bisherigen Versuche die kantonalen Parteiensysteme zu typologisieren kommen zu ganz unterschiedlichen Ergebnissen. Der Grund dafür liegt darin, dass sie sich auf nur wenige und unterschiedliche Parteiensystemmerkmale abstützten. Vernachlässigt wird dabei zudem der Aspekt eines allfälligen Wandels der Parteiensysteme. Ziel dieses Artikels ist es, ausgehend von einer Typologisierung, welche möglichst alle wichtigen Eigenheiten der kantonalen Parteiensysteme berücksichtigt, den Wandel der Parteiensysteme zu analysieren und mögliche Entwicklungen aufzuzeigen. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass bei gewissen Systemmerkmalen trotz einer Annäherung in nächster Zeit nicht davon auszugehen ist, dass die kantonalen Parteiensysteme auf das nationale Parteiensystem hin konvergieren. 相似文献
4.
Jayane dos Santos Maia Pedro Bras Martins da Costa Thaís Cavalcante Martins Matheus Lucas Hebling 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(5):663-677
The growth of the far right and election results in Brazil are often associated with national or large-scale events. The multi-level features of these developments, namely party competition at the sub-national level, are overlooked in the literature. This article argues that changes in the Brazilian national party system – those observed from Bolsonaro's election, mainly – are rooted in sub-national political dynamics. Through a comparative and longitudinal analysis of multi-level executive and legislative elections, we find that, although there are distinct patterns of competition between the national-sub-national and within-country levels, this difference is not evident in volatility. 相似文献
5.
Martin Goeke 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2011,29(3):263-280
The article presents a complete overview of existing regulations of party switching in Africa since the reintroduction of multiparty politics in the early 1990s. While most established democracies do not see any reason for sanctioning with legal restrictions the decision of members of parliament to change their party affiliation, in Africa many countries take a critical stance towards party switching. Frequent party switching is considered to weaken political parties, to hinder the institutionalisation of party systems, and to endanger the stability of government and the legitimacy of democracy. The article distinguishes legal regulations of party switching conceptually by what is prohibited and its enforcement. A preliminary analysis shows that anti-defection laws indeed matter for party system institutionalisation in Africa's emerging democracies. 相似文献
6.
Anina Hanimann 《Swiss Political Science Review》2023,29(2):141-160
Scholars have claimed that right-wing citizens are more skeptical about experts than left-wing citizens. This article, however, argues that depending on their party affiliation, citizens prefer certain kinds of expertise over others. I confronted Swiss adults (N = 2,465) with individual risk advice on either flu vaccination or colorectal cancer screening. The quote varied regarding the expert providing the advice (e.g., academic, administration, or corporation) and the degree of policy advocacy. The citizens then assessed the experts' credibility and their own behavioral intention (e.g., get a flu shot). Citizens across the political spectrum are more likely to positively evaluate experts who represent institutions aligned with their beliefs. Moreover, right-wing citizens are more skeptical about experts who advocate for specific policies than their left-wing counterparts. This study underscores the need for a better understanding of how partisanship affects expert perceptions to manage health policy problems and other science-based issues. 相似文献
7.
This paper discusses the role of the electoral system in making the Justice and Development Party (AKP) dominant. Drawing on Sartori’s framework, we first clarify the concept of a predominant party system. Second, we examine the impact of the electoral system on the emergence of a predominant party system in Turkey. Analysing election results, we argue that the electoral system fosters dominance in three ways. First, a combination of electoral formula, national threshold and district threshold leads to over‐representation of large parties and under‐representation of small ones. Second, the fear of a wasted vote due to the high threshold prompts voters to support their second‐best option, which concentrates the votes among large parties. Finally, the electoral system increases electoral turnout rates by extending polarization. 相似文献
8.
Natasha Wunsch 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2017,17(4):541-554
AbstractFrance’s hesitant stance on EU enlargement towards the Balkans is illustrative of a broader ambivalence among both French elites and citizens towards the European project. Despite principled support for the Balkans’ EU membership, achieving this step is no strategic priority for France. The official approach emphasizes strict conditionality and a rigorous monitoring of reform progress in aspirant countries. A hostile public opinion and superficial media coverage further strengthen the country’s reluctance to admit new, possibly unprepared candidates into the Union. Analysing the historical evolution of the French position on EU enlargement as well as its current political, institutional and societal expressions, this article construes France’s disinvestment from the Balkans’ EU perspective as the result of failed expectations and a growing disillusionment with the EU’s international role and its political future more broadly. 相似文献
9.
Chiung-chu Lin 《East Asia》2006,23(1):27-46
This article examines the evolution of party images in Taiwan between 1992 and 2004. It shows that party images are not immutable,
as while the DPP gained more positive images, the other parties gained more negative images during the research period. The
results show that the Taiwanese parties have quite distinct party images. Taiwanese voters often tend to use ethnic background
and the cross-Strait relations to define the parties. Party images also play a significant role in Taiwanese voting behaviour,
even when other variables are controlled. Voters tend to vote for the parties that they have favourable impressions of. The
results also have implications for how political parties package themselves to attract more votes and on the development of
the party system in Taiwan. 相似文献
10.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《后苏联事务》2013,29(5):397-419
This article uses data from the 1993–2011 national legislative elections in Russia in order to systematically measure and explain the dynamics of party system nationalization. The analysis registers a salient discrepancy between the extremely low levels of territorial homogeneity of the vote in the single-member plurality section of Russia's electoral system (1993–2003), on the one hand, and very high levels of party nationalization in party-list contests, on the other. This discrepancy, facilitated by such factors as the legacies of regime transition, federalism, and presidentialism, was reinforced by the integration of gubernatorial political machines into the nationwide political order, which ultimately resulted in unprecedentedly high levels of party nationalization in the 2007–2011 elections. The findings challenge a conventional theory that equates the formation of national electorates to the progressive process of party system consolidation, suggesting that under certain conditions, related but not reducible to the authoritarian perversion of the structure of electoral incentives, there is no such linear relationship. 相似文献
11.
The article studies pension reforms in Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain between 1990 and 2013, focusing on three dimensions of change: multi-pillarisation, institutional harmonisation, and spending trends (cost-containment/expansion). The pension evolution of these countries is reassessed throughout the period of crisis and austerity. All countries encouraged the spread of private pensions and harmonised their fragmented public schemes. Cost containment was massive, putting future adequacy at risk. While international actors, especially the European Union, acquired a stronger role, that of organised labour declined. Spiralling between crisis and austerity, these systems changed and adapted, but still face old and new problems: inequality, risk individualisation, and increasing vulnerability to external shocks. 相似文献
12.
While various studies have highlighted the short‐term importance of issue‐voting for party choice, little attention has so far been paid to its long‐term relevance. Relying on longitudinal data from the 2003 Swiss federal elections, we examine under what circumstances issue‐specific considerations affect stability and change in party choice. We postulate that the impact of issue‐specific considerations is likely to vary depending on a set of mediating factors. Analyzing four mechanisms of stability and change (reinforcement, activation, conversion, and demobilization), we find first that issues matter more when they are pressing, central, and polarizing. Furthermore, issue positions affect the vote more significantly for the parties that are more profiled on them. These results are in line with those on short‐term effects. However, they reveal a stronger influence of shifts in issue opinions in the long‐term than in the short‐term. Finally, we do not find any substantial variations in the effect of issue preferences across individual characteristics (political sophistication and party identification). 相似文献
13.
Adnan Farooqui 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2016,54(3):331-361
This paper analyses the defeat of the Congress party in the India’s 2014 election in which it plummeted to its lowest ever vote share (19 per cent) and seat tally (44 of 543). We argue that the defeat is the end result of a gradual decline punctuated by recoveries that began much earlier. We show that the Congress was gradually becoming less competitive in more and more states and constituencies as indicated by its falling to third position or worse. We try to relate this to the desertion of the party by social groups that once supported it in a number of states and other factors. The larger question is whether a Congress-type, encompassing, umbrella party can survive the sharpened politicisation of social cleavages, in the Indian case, religious, caste and regional cleavages since such a party will tend to lose out to parties based on religious, caste and regional identities in identitarian outbidding. 相似文献
14.
Zusammenfassung: In Mehrebenensystemen agierende Parteien sind mit sozialstrukturell sehr unterschiedlich zusammengesetzten Wählerschaften konfrontiert. Da für regionale Parteigliederungen – insbesondere in föderal organisierten Demokratien – der Wettbewerb um Wählerstimmen zuvorderst innerhalb der Grenzen der jeweiligen Region stattfindet, müssen sie den unterschiedlich zusammengesetzten Elektoraten differenzierte inhaltliche Angebote machen, die auf die spezifischen Präferenzen der Wählerschaft eingehen. Wir evaluieren diese Überlegungen am Beispiel der Schweiz als einem Mehrebenensystem, in dem sich die Wählerschaft von Kanton zu Kanton in ihrer sprachlichen, konfessionellen und sozioökonomischen Struktur deutlich unterscheidet. Dabei nehmen wir eine Analyse der programmatischen Dokumente der Schweizer Parteien auf kantonaler Ebene vor, um deren inhaltliche Präferenzen zu bestimmen. Die dabei herangezogenen Wahlprogramme von kantonalen Parteigliederungen sind eine bisher wenig beachtete Quelle zur Bestimmung von Parteipositionen, die jedoch gerade für die Arbeiten zur subnationalen Politik grosses Potential bietet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich sozialstrukturelle Eigenschaften der Wählerschaft eines Kantons in der Tat in den programmatischen Positionen der Kantonalparteien widerspiegeln. So sind Parteien in der französischsprachigen Schweiz wirtschaftspolitisch “linker”, wohingegen die Parteien in ländlichen Kantonen tendenziell konservativere Haltungen in Fragen der Gesellschaftspolitik einnehmen. 相似文献
15.
Felix Kumah-Abiwu 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2019,57(1):52-70
This article examines the challenges of narcotic drugs in West Africa following the region's emergence as a major transit zone for the trafficking of cocaine and other illicit drugs to many countries in Europe. In addition to the trafficking problem, the use of narcotic drugs has been on the increase in the region. In effect, the drug policy terrain in West Africa appears to be undergoing changing trends. To understand these changes, the article draws on the policy paradigm (orders of change) theory to examine the types of change that are occurring. The analysis reveals that the drug policy terrain is undergoing first and second order changes. 相似文献
16.
Ramola Ramtohul 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2015,33(1):27-47
This paper analyses the impact of intersectionality and multiple identities on women's political citizenship in Mauritius. Mauritius is commonly known as a ‘rainbow nation’ with its multiethnic population marked by ethnic or communal divisions. Communalism dominates the Mauritian political system and institutions, intensifying during elections when the different communal groups compete for representation in parliament. The paper argues that the strong emphasis attributed to ethnic and communal representation by the Mauritian political system and structures marginalises women's political citizenship. Political candidates are often sponsored by religious and sociocultural organisations that are male dominated whereas the women's lobby is weak in comparison to the communal lobby. The paper thus contends that the communal dimension in Mauritian politics carries a significant gendered dimension. Communalism has made the political system very resistant to change, despite the fact that it marginalises women. 相似文献
17.
Julián Arévalo Gabriel Angarita Tovar Wilber Jiménez Hernández 《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(218):233-269
This article sets out changes which the Colombian party system experienced throughout the last two decades. It focuses on the topics, ideology and party divisions present in a representative sample of the last four legislatures’ congress members. This study is based on factorial and discriminate analyses, making use of the Latin American Parliamentarian Elites database. This article holds that the 2003 political reform had a positive effect on Colombian parties’ and social movements’ ideological coherence within Congress. Electoral reforms are also discussed in the light of these findings. 相似文献
18.
Olivera Komar 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):61-80
ABSTRACTMontenegro is at the same time considered both a success story as the leader of European integration in South-Eastern Europe and a country with severe democratic deficiencies. This paper builds upon the theory of democratic backsliding and uses theory-building process tracing to detect and analyse systematic patterns in the illiberal policies that the governing party uses to maintain its position in power. The three typical cases examined here reveal that assuring external control and maintaining the pretence of legality seem to be important elements of illiberal policies and that independent institutions and European standards are often used to assert and maintain control. 相似文献
19.
Andrés Estefane 《议会、议员及代表》2017,37(2):159-175
SUMMARYThis article provides a political and social characterization of Chilean deputies in the second half of the nineteenth century. It covers 11 parliamentary elections ranging from 1849, the first election under a relatively recognizable party system to 1879, the last election before the consequences of the War of the Pacific (1879–84) altered the local political landscape. The study of parliamentarians is based on a prosopography derived from the analysis of 405 deputies, and in this case is limited to three criteria: place of birth, profession or occupation, and age of entry into parliament. The latter criterion is a key one, because the authors focus only on members who joined congress for the first time over a period of 30 years. One of the main hypotheses of this article suggests that from the 1861 election congress experienced changes in its composition, allowing the entrance of actors who had hitherto not been part of congress. 相似文献
20.
Utilising the Lithuanian case, this article analyses what determines a country’s position on the transfer of national competency over banking policy to the EU level. In contrast to dominant explanations in scholarly literature, this article argues that Lithuania’s support for the banking union can be explained by the general pro-European orientation of the political system in the context of ambiguous aggregate economic costs and the benefits of the new institutional framework. In 2013, the EU Presidency also positively affected Lithuania’s stance. Finally, the decision about when to join the banking union was subordinated to the process of euro accession. 相似文献