高校党内基层选举"两推两选"模式的实践与启示

选举是民主的最基本形式."两推两选"模式是高校党内基层选举的有效探索,充分体现公开、公平、竞争的原则、从实际出发的原则、党内充分民主与党外群众广泛参与相结合的原则,增强了党员的主体意识和基层党支部的活力,为改进党内基层选举工作积累了经验.     

深化组织工作机制创新的探析

一、深化机制创新的典型实例 实例一：2000年春，漳平市率先在全省推行“两推一选”村选方式，开辟了村级选举的新路子，新成果被省委组织部推广。2009年，以“两推一选”为主导制度，探索实行“两推直选”、“无提名候选人选举”等民主化选举方式，较好地落实了群众的选举权和被选举权，扩大了农村基层选举的民主。     

改革和完善基层党委选举工作的实践与思考

改革和完善党内选举制度是坚持民主集中制、发展党内民主的重要内容，是党的十六大提出的一项重要任务。近年来，我市各级党组织针对当前党内选举工作存在的问题，开展了一系列成功的尝试和探索，主要是以“三推两考一选”（党员推荐、群众推荐、个人自荐，考试、考核，民主选举）为主要模式的乡镇党委班子成员选举和以“两推一选”（党员推荐、群众推荐，民主选举）为主要模式的村级党支部选举。这些实践和探索虽然仅限于基层党组织的选举工作层面，但为解决包括地方党组织在内的党内选举工作存在的部分问题提供了方向和思路，     

关于基层工会主席直接选举的几个问题

工会干部选举制度是工会组织制度的一个重要组成部分,工会主席直接选举是工会干部选举制度的一项重要内容。工会主席直接选举的概念和内涵是什么?工会主席的直接选举是否是对原有的工会干部选举制度的创新?直接选举其现实意义何在?推行工会主席直接选     

农村基层党组织选举改革:进展与问题

以选举农村党支部的“两票”制和乡镇党委书记“两推一选”为主要形式的农村基层党组织选举改革日渐成为基层民主的新成就和党内民主的新亮点。农村基层党组织的选举改革带来了农村政治的新气象。但是,改革过程中也暴露出不少问题。要推动改革进一步深入和持续就必须正视这些问题。     

抗战时期陕甘宁边区节约储蓄运动

抗战相持阶段后,陕甘宁边区出现日益严重的财政经济困难。为了支持抗战与边区建设,稳定边区金融,1941年9月边区政府决定由边区银行发行"有奖储蓄券",鼓励和培养边区人民节约储蓄,从而推动了边区的节约储蓄运动。由于诸多因素的影响,边区的节约储蓄运动并未收到较好成效,但为党在金融事业方面积累了经验和教训。     

我国人大代表选举制度及其完善

<正>我国的人大代表选举制度经历了一个发展过程。1949年以后,中国共产党借鉴前苏联选举制度与做法,总结边区政府民主选举的经验特别是新中国成立后民主政权建设的经验,创建了新的选举制度。1953年7月,     

云南省泸西县乡镇党委直选研究

2004年的云南泸西乡镇党委直选,是党内民主改革和基层民主创新的一次成功典范和有益尝试。它在选举范围、选举方式、程序化程度等多个方面都实现了历史性的突破,也由此带来了一系列的制度变迁和深刻的社会演变。泸西直选实际上成为新时期基层党委领导能力建设和发展的一个新的基点和里程碑。它为新时期基层党委领导能力建设提供契机、注入新鲜血液的同时,也带来了巨大的挑战和重要的制度冲突。     

我国社会主义选举制度的由来与发展——兼论竞选制的可行性

一早在中国共产党领导下的革命根据地中,我们党就领导人民进行过选举活动,不仅丰富了当时政权建设的内容,而且为新中国的民主政权建设提供了经验。毛泽东同志早在领导创建井冈山革命根据地时期就十分重视选举工作,1931年在江西瑞金召开的“第一次全国工农兵代表大会”上不仅制定了《中华苏维埃共和国宪法大纲》,而且选出了由毛泽东任主席的63人中央执行委员组成的临时中央政府。抗战时期的陕甘宁边区根据地更加重视民主政权建设和选举问题。1937年进行了县、区、乡各级民意机关的选     

任弼时对建设陕甘宁边区的理论贡献及其实践

任弼时抗战期间领导陕甘宁边区的工作,他对边区建设的理论贡献包括:边区建设必须树立党的统一领导;边区建设必须转变领导方法与工作作风;边区建设中民主政权建设与经济建设密不可分;边区建设中经济建设是"全部工作链子的一个特别的环节",是其他各项建设的基础;深入调查研究,是边区建设解决实际问题的重要途径;边区建设必须培养大批得力的经济干部。缅怀前辈的丰功伟绩,重温边区建设的艰苦历程,对于今天建设有中国特色社会主义具有重要的借鉴与启迪作用。     

正确认识和处理村民选举中出现的几个问题

民主选举是我国农村村民自治的核心内容,是村民享有的“四个民主”权利之一。然而在村民选举中必须正确认识和处理反选举程序的行为问题,扰乱、破坏选举的行为问题,贿选问题,承诺问题,宗族、派性问题,选民资格问题以及候选人资格问题。只有正确认识和处理这些问题,选举才能健康顺利发展。     

Federalism in the 2000 Presidential Election

Federalism was not an explicitly prominent feature of the 2000presidential election, but it exerted significant influencein shaping the political landscape as well as the candidates'positions on the role and purposes of the federal government.America's federal system created powerful undercurrents thatinfluenced the selection of the two major presidential candidates,the campaign issues, and the candidates' messages. At the sametime, George W. Bush and Albert Gore differed considerably intheir answers to how the United States' federal system shouldfunction and the objectives it should seek. Bush favored a federalgovernment that promotes economic opportunity through a marketplaceand allows state and local governments to determine their ownmoral and policy objectives. Gore preferred a national commonwealth,where the federal government determines the moral objectivesand the states cooperate to achieve those objectives.     

Forecasts and Preferences in the 1992 General Election

Little attention has been paid to the influence of expectations for victory on the formation of general election preferences in U.S. presidential races. There is good reason to believe, however, that under certain conditions citizens' forecasts of who will win the fall election may influence their preference and their vote. We model preferences during the course of the fall 1992 campaign as a function of two kinds of expectations. First we attempt to identify a component of expectations that is independent of political projection. We discover that expectations based only on information about the race play a prominent role in preference formation early in the fall but decline later as the cost of information drops. Similar results obtain when we include projection in the model of expectations. We conclude that general elections may have some of the same dynamic properties that are observable in primaries. Since early momentum in the fall campaign may influence subsequent preference formation, we contend that leads in early polls are valuable.     

Election turnout in authoritarian regimes

What explains election turnout in authoritarian regimes? Despite the significant energy, resources, and time ruling parties devote to improving the participation rates of citizens, there exists extraordinary variation both within and across authoritarian regimes. This paper hypothesizes that election turnout is explained by contestation, coercion and clientelism. To test this theory, the paper uses an original dataset capturing turnout rates for 548 legislative elections in 108 countries between 1960 and 2011. The resulting empirical analysis confirms these Hypothesis – with one notable exception. Instead of encouraging turnout amongst citizens, clientelism discourages it. This counterintuitive finding occurs because citizens lack the optimum incentives for participation and ruling parties lack effective monitoring strategies of that behavior. The conclusion of the paper addresses its implications for existing theories of authoritarian politics and proposes several avenues for further research on election turnout under authoritarianism.     

Voter Choice in the 1995 French Presidential Election

This study estimates a model of voter choice for the first and second ballots of the 1995 French Presidential election. Its objective is to characterize the relative importance of traditional bases of French voter choice such as social class relative to campaign issues and voter evaluations of the economy. The study also seeks to identify candidate-specific bases of voter choice. Multinomial logit analysis of voter choice among the four leading candidates reveals a stronger role for campaign issues than previous studies suggest. Voter-candidate ideological proximity is the strongest predictor of first and second ballot choice, followed by voter perceptions of candidate ability to address unemployment and political corruption. Demographic variables have limited explanatory power in both the first and second ballot models. The parameter estimates demonstrate considerable differences in the bases of voter choice across candidates, with the bases of voter choice for National Front leader Jean-Marie le Pen most distinct from those of the remaining candidates.     

The Age Gap in the 2008 Presidential Election

The 2008 presidential election suggests a significant realignment among voters entering the electorate, with younger voters deviating considerably from older voters in their partisan preferences. Barack Obama won the vote of those under 30 years old by a 66% to 32% margin and first time voters favored him by an overwhelming margin of 69–30%. The fact that the age gap between Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton during the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination contest was also among the largest age gaps in American electoral history suggests that part of the age gap was undoubtedly due to the appeal of Obama with younger Americans. Part of the age gap, however, was also due to the unpopularity of the George W. Bush administration. The strong youth vote for Obama in 2008 was thus both pro-Obama and anti-Bush in nature. The huge age gap in 2008 suggests a split of the electorate along generational lines and the long-term consequences of the age gap appear to overwhelmingly favor the Democratic Party. George W. Bush’s unpopular and divisive presidency helped to make the youngest generation of American voters increasingly Democratic in their vote preference. This suggests that if younger Americans follow other generations in keeping the same partisan voting patterns throughout their life, the Democrats are potentially poised to make considerable gains in future elections.