Conservative Shift among Liberals and Conservatives Following 9/11/01

Political orientation and political attitudes were measured in two independent adult samples. One sample was taken several months before the terrorist attacks on 9/11/01; the other, shortly after. Liberal and conservative participants alike reported more conservative attitudes following 9/11/01 than before. This conservative shift was strongest on two items with the greatest relevance to 9/11/01: George W. Bush and Increasing Military Spending. Marginally significant conservative shifts were observed on two other items (Conservatives, Socialized Medicine), and the direction of change on eight of eight items was in a conservative direction. These results provide support for the motivated social cognition model of conservatism (Jost et al., 2003) over predictions derived from terror management theory (e.g., Greenberg et al., 1992).     

The Impact of Presidential Campaigning for Congress on Presidential Support in the U.S. House of Representatives

Presidential influence is partly a function of the partisan, economic, and international context within which the president governs. Presidents are, however, more than bystanders relying on the political milieu for policy opportunities. Recent scholarship demonstrates that presidents consciously influence this milieu and build political capital by campaigning for congressional candidates. We contribute to this literature by assessing the effects of presidential campaigning on legislative support for two presidents who governed under extremely dissimilar circumstances: Bill Clinton in the 106th Congress and George W. Bush in the 108th Congress. We find evidence of campaign effects on congressional policymaking during both administrations.     

Illegal logging: A market-based analysis of trafficking in illegal timber

Over the past several decades, illegally sourced timber has contributed to a growing roster of problems that affect both producing and consuming countries alike. Within the United States, the effect of timber trafficking on the national economy, and its potential effect on American foreign policy, has raised serious concern — so much so that in 2002, President George W. Bush announced his Initiative Against Illegal Logging in an attempt to discern and curtail the causes, methods, and parties involved in illegal activities. In 2005, the National Institute of Justice and Department of State, under the auspices of the President's Council on Environmental Quality, commissioned a literature review by Abt Associates to answer two principal questions:

1. Who commits the crimes of illegal timbering?
2. Hwo do they commit these crimes?

     

构建沂蒙良好政治生态的路径选择

中国共产党是沂蒙政治生态的风气主导者和引领者,人民群众是沂蒙政治生态的最终受益者。沂蒙政治生态建设是"水乳交融、生死与共"党群关系的实践结晶,中国共产党和沂蒙人民是沂蒙政治生态建设的具体承载和有效载体。进入新时代,研讨构建沂蒙政治生态的时代价值和作用发挥空间,对于进一步推动党建工作具有重要的启示作用。     

“Shaping history” or “Riding the wave”?: President Bush's influence on the public opinion of terrorism, homeland security, & crime

The theory of presidential influence over public opinion is used to predict the impact of presidential rhetoric on the public's concern for terrorism, homeland security, and crime as the “most important problems facing the country.” Using OLS time-series regression, the authors find consistent results that President Bush influenced public opinion in relation to terrorism, homeland security and crime, despite the overwhelming events of September 11th and its impact. The article concludes by discussing the president's ability to shape events and how some events shape the presidency.     

现代生命医学与美国相关法律的发展

近30年来现代医学技术的高速发展及惊人进步挑战着世界各国的法律及道德观念.本世纪更因生命科学的巨大发展而被命名为生命科学世纪.现代生命科学在变革世界的同时也带来了史无前例的道德伦理问题,引发了激烈的争论.为了适应这些新的发展,美国的法律做出了相应的变革.这些新的法律法规影响着美国人民的工作生活及几乎所有的法律领域,例如医疗法、家庭法、遗产法、商业法、专利法、刑法等都极大程度地受到现代医学及相关法律的制约与影响.当代各个领域中的美国律师及政治领导人必须熟悉生命医学的有关法律,以为社会提供高质量和全方位的服务.生命医学法律更是当代世界及美国政坛的激战舞台,美国总统布什于2006年7月19日第一次使用了总统否决权,驳回了美国国会新通过的干细胞研究的法律,此举引发了激烈的政治波澜.着重介绍当代美国生命医学法律中的最热点论题,包括医疗决定权、安乐死、人类克隆及人胚胎干细胞研究等有关法律的发展过程及存在的问题与面临的挑战.     

The Power of Secrecy and the Secrecy of Power: FACA and the National Energy Policy Development Group

One of President George W. Bush's first official acts was to charter an advisory committee that would make recommendations for a new American energy policy. While the National Energy Policy Development Group was officially made up only of government employees, journalists and watchdogs suspected that the committee was inappropriately meeting with representatives of energy firms. Two citizens' groups brought suit under the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA) to unveil the secrecy surrounding the National Energy Policy Development Group and its policymaking processes. The ensuing court battle revealed the weaknesses of FACA and its paradoxical use by the Bush Administration in continuing the very same government secrecy that the act is intended to prevent. This article examines a particular case of secrecy in the Bush Administration—the formulation of energy policy by Dick Cheney's energy task force—with an analysis of the known activities of the group and the history of citizen challenges to its secrecy. The article then considers the effectiveness, or ineffectiveness, of the Federal Advisory Committee Act as a safeguard against government secrecy.     

现实主义与理想主义的此长彼消——“9.11”事件后美国朝野外交政策理念透视

在国际关系理论中 ,现实主义和理想主义是两种相互对立的理论 ,二者对美国的外交理念及外交政策的影响存在着此长彼消的关系。本文回顾了这两种外交理念的渊源及其对美国外交影响的变化情况 :在整个冷战时期 ,美国的外交政策和理念更多地受到现实主义的影响 ,冷战结束后 ,理想主义的影响上升 ;布什政府执政以来 ,特别是“9.1 1”事件以后 ,现实主义外交理念在美国朝野强劲抬头。     

Congressional Elections in Presidential Years: Presidential Coattails and Strategic Voting

This article analyzes voting for Congress in presidential election years. The national Democratic vote for the House increases with the Democratic vote for president but decreases with the Democrats' perceived chances of winning the presidency (anticipatory balancing). The evidence for coattails and for balancing become visible only when statistically controlling for the other. The aggregate evidence for coattails and balancing in presidential years is reinforced by the analysis of National Election Studies (NES) survey respondents. That analysis shows that politically informed voters are more likely to vote for Congress against the party that they believe will win the presidency.     

Legitimacies, Indian Identities, and the Law: The Politics of Sex and the Creation of History in Colonial New England

In an early-eighteenth-century legal contest on Chappaquiddick Island, Massachusetts, an Indian leader, Jacob Seeknout, appealed a ruling that under-mined his political authority. Seeknout's lawyer, Benjamin Hawes, crafted an argument that intertwined the sexual legitimacy of Seeknout's ancestors with his political legitimacy; at the same time, Hawes also linked Indians'collective chastity as a "nation" to their sovereign status. This paper examines the economic, religious, criminal, and historical contexts of this argument, exploring the history of Indians'conjugal practices and their reinvention as the criminal acts of fornication. The case illustrates some of the diverse sources of early American law, links between these legal structures and colonialism, and the importance for scholars of attending to the local level in exploring the power of colonial law to shape new racial identities.     

Presidential Campaigning in the 2002 Congressional Elections

Theories involving coattails, surge and decline, presidential popularity, and the economy ascribe little importance to presidential efforts to influence congressional elections. Since such efforts do occur, we ask: What happens when a president campaigns for fellow partisans? We examined President George W. Bush's decisions to campaign for certain House candidates in 2002, and we assessed the effect of his visits on Republicans' electoral successes. Both the competitiveness of a race and the president's electoral self‐interest increased the likelihood of a visit on behalf of a candidate. Neither party loyalty nor presidential support in Congress had an effect. We conclude that presidential campaign visits significantly enhance candidates' electoral prospects.     

典型理论与周扬戏曲观的政治化

典型理论作为马克思主义文艺理论的重要内容,原非针对中国的戏曲艺术而提出.由于受苏联文艺思想的影响,中国共产党的文艺工作领导者周扬将典型理论吸收到戏曲理论中,形成了其政治化的戏曲观.周扬的戏曲典型理论不仅导致了中国戏曲理论民族性的迷失,而且致使戏曲创作越来越失去其本质要素,戏曲呈现话剧化的发展趋势.     

Democratic Governance,Self-Fulfillment and Disability: Web Accessibility Under the Americans With Disabilities Act and the First Amendment

The Americans with Disabilities Act celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary in 2015. Enacted by Congress and signed into law by President George H.W. Bush, the ADA was designed to ensure that people with disabilities are given “independence, freedom of choice, control of their lives, the opportunity to blend fully and equally into the rich mosaic of the American mainstream.” The ADA defines the kinds of public and private spaces that must provide access and accommodations to the disabled. Missing from that list, because of the ADA's timing, is the Internet, effectively shutting the disabled out of the rich marketplace of ideas online. This article examines both the case law surrounding this omission and delays by the executive and legislative branches in extending the ADA to the Internet. It argues that making the Internet a “place of public accommodation” under the ADA is supported by First Amendment principles of democratic governance and self-fulfillment.     

Political Ambition in 14 Presidential Democracies

This article captures the nature of legislators' ambitions and explores to what extent their career paths within a context of party competition lead to progressive versus static ambition. The findings show that their previous career path and retrospective loyalty towards the party influences which offices they seek. Progressively ambitious legislators also seek offices in less competitive environments, but this finding holds for the regional executive branch or the presidency. An additional robust finding shows that ideologically conservative legislators tend to be statically ambitious. This is a first step towards mapping out ambitions in Latin America by drawing on cross‐national data.     

Resistance to the mainlandization of criminal justice practices: a barrier to the development of restorative justice in Hong Kong

This article examines the political and legal barriers to introducing restorative justice (RJ) in Hong Kong. It argues that the processes involved in RJ may be in conflict with the rule of law, which is regarded by the citizens of Hong Kong as sacrosanct in their resistance to the "mainlandization" of criminal justice practices after China resumed sovereignty of Hong Kong. It is argued that, because it could admit such potentially harmful Chinese criminal justice concepts as "rule by the people," "absence of the presumption of innocence," "leniency for self-confession and severity for resistance," and "toeing the party line," RJ would be devoid of any restorative substance and could breach the principles of due process.     

坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的有机统一

党的十六大报告指出 :发展社会主义民主政治 ,最根本的是要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一起来。因此 ,弄清三者之间的辩证关系 ,意义重大。党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国是一个相互依存、不可分割的整体。党的领导是支持人民当家作主和实施依法治国的动力与保证 ,人民当家作主是坚持党的领导和依法治国的基础与所要实现的目标 ,依法治国则是坚持党的领导和人民当家作主的重要途径和手段。坚持党的领导 ,就要按照“三个代表”的要求 ,以改革的精神推进党的建设 ,使党始终站在时代的前列 ;就要借鉴人类政治文明的有益成果 ,完善共产党领导下的多党合作和政治协商制度 ,但决不照搬西方政治制度的模式 ;就要在支持人民当家作主和依法治国的实践中改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式。坚持民主协商与民主表决相结合、“多谋”与“善断”相结合、直接民主与间接民主相结合 ,以党内民主带动人民民主 ,不断提高我党运用民主的水平 ;坚持党的领导与尊重国家机关依法独立行使职权相结合、实体公正与程序公正相结合、依法治国与以德治国相结合 ,实现由主要依靠政策办事向主要依靠法律办事转变 ,不断提高我党的依法执政水平。     

A note on burdens of proof in civil litigation

It has been widely believed that who bears the burden of proof significantly affects the incentives of the legal parties. In particular, Hay and Spier (J Legal Stud 26:413–431, 1997) argues that if legal parties have a commonly accessible body of evidence (perfectly correlated pieces of evidence), the party who bears the burden of proof will present the evidence if and only if the evidence supports his position, while the other party (without the burden) will refrain from presenting it regardless of whether the evidence supports his position. In this paper, I claim that the result will be dramatically changed if the pieces of evidence that each party possesses are not perfectly correlated. I show that each party will present the evidence that supports his position whenever available, regardless of the burden of proof assignment. This implies that allocating the burden of proof does not matter in terms of information elicitation.     

The Death of Freddie Gray and Its Impact on Homicides in Baltimore and Maryland

This study evaluated the impact that Freddie Gray’s death on April, 19, 2015, had on homicides within Baltimore, Prince George’s County, and the rest of Maryland. The numbers of these deaths were compared in the 2 years prior and after his death. The average number of homicide per month in Baltimore and Prince George’s County, but not the rest of Maryland, showed a statistically significant increase in the 2 years after his death, with a sudden spike in homicides in Baltimore immediately following his death. Spatial density (“heat”) maps of homicides showed an increase in clustering of deaths after Freddie Gray’s demise in portions of Baltimore, particularly near his arrest site. Hot spot maps showed a massive expansion of statistically significant clusters of homicides in areas of West and East Baltimore after his death. An emerging hot spot analysis revealed consecutive hot spots in large areas of West Baltimore with new hot spots prominent along the southern edge of this area. A review of the history of Baltimore, as well as discussions with Baltimore homicide detectives, revealed that prior socioeconomic and political trends likely primed Baltimore for the protests and violence that occurred after Freddie Gray’s death. It is probable that a perceived “overcharging” of officers involved in his death by the State’s Attorney resulted in a “pullback” from policing that directly led to increased homicides in Baltimore.     

How an Elite-Engineered Moral Panic Led to the U.S. War on Iraq

Critics argue that the G.W. Bush administration deliberately misled the U.S. public about an Iraqi threat after 9/11 but empirical evidence that presidential deception influenced public support for war has been lacking. An examination of presidential rhetoric concerning Iraq in the U.S. media revealed that it changed in tone after 9/11, consistent with moral panic processes. Logistic regression analysis of public opinion leading up to the war revealed that shifts in support for invasion directly mirrored presidential rhetoric. The findings of this study suggest that the Bush administration engineered a moral panic over Iraq with the support of the media.