Relations of Territorial and Regional Soviets with Associations not Subordinate to Them

With the establishment and functioning of industrial and protection associations, the question arose of their relationships with local soviets, above all, those at the territorial and regional levels. If one bases oneself on the text of the respective statutes on these new forms of organization of social production, one finds virtually no reference to local soviets. (1) But this does not mean that the appearance of the associations is not reflected in the work of local organs of state authority. Experience shows that both now and under earlier changes in the system of management of the national economy, local soviets do not, and cannot, stand aside from these complicated processes. Being geographic entities of the unitary Soviet authority and executing the function of state direction in the area under their jurisdiction, they enter into various relationships with new economic complexes, their components and agencies.     

The Budget and Finances

This is perhaps the most complex sphere of work of village [sel'skie] soviets. All their manifold activity is associated with it. Funds for economic and cultural development, and for maintenance of the institutions subordinate to the rural agency of power, are concentrated in the budget. The soviet's specific relationships with various enterprises and organizations on the territory within its jurisdiction take shape through it.     

On Improving the Legislation on Territorial and Regional Soviets of Working People's Deputies

The Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU to the Twenty-fifth Party Congress advanced the proposal of adopting laws to define the jurisdiction of territorial [krai], regional [oblast'], and area [okrug] soviets of working people's deputies. This proposal was adopted unanimously by the delegates to the congress. In the course of the work begun to draft these laws, which will define the content and form of activity at the present stage of the building of communism of such an important link in the system of soviets as the regional and territorial soviets, many questions have arisen demanding profound and comprehensive scientific study. In this connection the editors invite legal scholars and practical workers to share in the pages of the journal the results of their research and generalizations from the experience of the work of the soviets and from application of the prevailing legislation, and to express judgments, proposals, and recommendations on the paths to be followed in improving the legislation on territorial, regional, and area soviets.     

Interrelations Between Local Soviets and Law Enforcement Agencies

The question of interrelations between local soviets and law enforcement agencies is of both general theoretical and practical importance for the intensification and development of the struggle against criminal and other antisocial phenomena. The Political Report of the CPSU Central Committee to the Twenty-seventh Party Congress voiced the demand "to steadfastly raise the responsibilty of law enforcement and other agencies, to strengthen state arbitration and the legal services in the soviets and in the national economy, and to improve the legal education of the population. The use of the entire force of Soviet laws in the struggle against crime and other legal infractions, so that people in every population center feel the concern of the state for their peace and inviolability, so that they be assured that not a single law breaker will escape the punishment he deserves, is an unceasing task."¹     

The CPSU and the Soviets

"Popular sovereignty in our country," we read in the Theses of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Fifty Years of the Great October Socialist Revolution, "is expressed above all in the soviets — representative bodies combining the features of state and civic organizations." The guidance given the soviets by the Communist Party is a vital factor in the Soviet system. This factor reflects the fundamental qualities of the political organization of socialist society. The entire course of the country's historical development has proved irrefutably that complete disclosure of the fundamental advantages of the Soviet organization of power and their utilization in the interests of socialism would be impossible in the absence of the leading role of the Party in the soviets. The relationship between the Party and the soviets in the system of socialist democracy provides the key to understanding the mechanism of popular sovereignty and reflects a fundamentally new interaction between the political leader, the state organization, and the masses of the people that is impossible under a system of exploitation. It is no accident that the apostles of anticommunism are particularly rabid in their attacks on the position of the Party in the republic of soviets, making it their primary target in their slanderous inventions and verbal attempts to subvert the principles of socialist society.     

Enhancing the Role of the Local Soviets and Developing Civic Principles in Their Work

The decisions of the last few congresses of the CPSU have played a large role in improving the activity of the soviets. The measures envisaged in the Party Program to improve the work of the soviets, to develop their democratic foundations and civic [obshchestvennye] principles, are being implemented successfully in the local agencies of government and administration.     

A Study of the Effectiveness of Village and District Soviets in Belorussia

For the role of local soviets to rise requires an increase in the efficiency of the organizational and legal forms by which they function. Scientific studies making it possible to offer well-founded recommendations to improve both legislation and practical experience are called upon to play an important role in this. In particular, empirical research (the study of documents: minutes of sessions, meetings of standing committees, decisions of election commissions, the periodical press, etc.; statistical data, observations, interviews, etc.) make it possible to study such questions concerning the activity of soviets of working people's deputies as the level of deputies' activity at sessions, the establishment and functioning of standing committees, the degree to which the work of the soviets is conducted before the eyes of the public, and so forth.     

Soviet Sessions: Theory,Practice, and Problems

In the period leading up to the 27th Congress of the CPSU, a landmark in the life of our country, it is one of the important tasks of science and practice to undertake a thoroughgoing analysis of those positive changes that have emerged in recent years in the activity of the soviets of people's deputies, to endeavor a critical assessment of the work so far completed, to exchange opinions on ways to effect possible and necessary changes for the better in their activity and to enhance their role in the system of socialist democracy. The period between the 26th and 27th Party Congresses has seen a considerable rise in the level of leadership by the bodies of state power in respect to economic and sociocultural construction throughout the entire soviet system. The role of the soviets has broadened in all state activity, their influence on the growth of the economy has increased, there is now more coordination in economic and sociocultural construction and in providing consumer and other services to the population, and more attention is being devoted to securing legality and law and order, and protecting the rights and lawful interests of citizens. All these things have been furthered by the CPSU's unflagging observance of the constitutional foundations to the organization and activity of the soviets, by the broadening of their powers, and by strengthening the material and financial basis and the personnel resources of the bodies of state power and government.     

In The Interests of Comprehensive Development

Articles have repeatedly appeared in this journal on the work of the administrations of capital construction of the executive committees of city soviets and their role in the comprehensive development of cities. It would be difficult to overestimate that role. For the working out of optimal project plans, skillful use of funds and their concentration on projects nearing completion, promptness of delivery of equipment, and as a consequence, an increase in the efficiency of construction work depend primarily and specifically on the administrations of capital construction.     

Political Opposition in Russia

The Communist Party is, by its very nature and principles of organization, a democratic and independent organization that bases its activity on voluntary public service. Lenin repeatedly emphasized this aspect of the matter. He wrote: "All the party's affairs are conducted, directly or through representatives, by all members of the party, enjoying equal rights and with no exceptions" (Lenin, Soch., Vol. II, p. 396).     

The Right of Citizens to Appeal Acts by Officials to Courts

The increased role of the courts and enlarged judicial protection of citizens' rights enunciated in the USSR Constitution constitute a further development of Soviet socialist democracy. As we know, the notion of appealing to courts the acts of administrators was propounded by the founders of Marxism-Leninism themselves. (1) In the USSR, the foundations of the institution of judicial supervision of the functioning of the executive were established in the earliest years of Soviet power and were developed in the decree of the Central Executive Committee (TsIK) and Council of People's Commissars of April 11, 1937 - establishing judicial supervision over the activities of financial bodies in recovering from citizens arrears of federal and local taxes and levies, compulsory salary insurance, and local-option taxation - and in the Statute on Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR affirmed by decree of the USSR TsIK of July 9, 1937, granting citizens the right to appeal to courts decisions of executive committees of soviets on refusal to make corrections in lists of voters. (2) This institution was subsequently developed in the Principles of Civil Procedure of the USSR and Union Republics and the corresponding codes of the union republics establishing procedural rules for trial by courts of cases arising out of relationships at administrative law.     

Informing the Population About the Activity of State Agencies

Under the conditions of developed socialism, the general problem of informing the population, and that of its knowledge about matters of state and law in particular, becomes increasingly more pertinent. "The development of socialist democracy," said L. I. Brezhnev at a meeting with voters of the Bauman Electoral District in Moscow on June 10, 1966, "demands the solution of many problems that the Party has placed on the order of business." One of these tasks is "providing fuller information to the people about everything happening within the country and on the world scene, and increasing publicity [glasnost'] about the work of the agencies of Soviet government." The Communist Party associates improvement of socialist democracy particularly with the level of society's information "about the policies of the Party and state." (1) Therefore, the Soviet government pays much attention to the solution of questions associated with informing the citizenry about the work of governmental agencies and also about their regulation by law. Thus, for example, in the RSFSR law "On the District Soviet of Working People's Deputies of the RSFSR" (June 29, 1971), we read about the responsibility of the executive committee to inform the population about questions placed on the order of business of the soviet (Article 33), to bring decisions of the district soviet to the knowledge of the citizens (Article 38), and to report on its work at meetings of the working population and at citizens' places of employment (Article 55). Article 93 reads: "The district soviet of working people's deputies is responsible for informing the population about its functioning. …" Presidiums of the supreme Soviets of union and autonomous republics monitor observation of provisions of the law, assuring that the population will be widely informed on the work of state agencies. (2) In this connection, examination of the question of the content and forms whereby the population of the USSR becomes informed about the activity of state agencies is of interest.     

The Executive Committee of the Local Soviet of People's DeputiesI. F. Butko,ed. (Kiev: Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR, 1980), 328 pp. A Review.

The interest of this monograph lies in the fact that it sets forth and resolves extremely important problems in the development of the soviets: the place of the executive committee in the system of the local soviet; theoretical and methodological questions of the scientific organization of labor in the executive committees; improving legal regulation of the auxiliary apparatus of the executive committee and the organization and activity of sections and departments; labor relations of employees of the executive committee apparatus; improving work with information, the forms and methods of administrative activity, and the style of work of the apparatus; the theory and practice of introducing the scientific recommendations of scholarship on law and government into the work of executive committees, and so forth.     

Why Reflective Equilibrium? I: Reflexivity of Justification

In A Theory of Justice (1971), John Rawls introduces the concept of “reflective equilibrium.” Although there are innumerable references to and discussions of this concept in the literature, there is, to the present author's knowledge, no discussion of the most important question: Why reflective equilibrium? In particular, the question arises: Is the method of reflective equilibrium applicable to the choice of this method itself? Rawls's drawing of parallels between Kant's moral theory and his own suggests that his concept of “reflective equilibrium” is on a par with Kant's concept of “transcendental deduction.” Treating these two approaches to justification as paradigmatic, I consider their respective merits in meeting the reflexive challenge, i.e., in offering a justification for choice of mode of justification. My enquiry into this topic comprises three parts. In this first part, I raise the issue of the reflexivity of justification and question whether the reflexive challenge can be met within the framework of A Theory of Justice.     

A Tale of Two Chinese Courts: Economic Development and Contract Enforcement

The way in which formal contract enforcement becomes effective is a critically important but understudied question for law and development studies. Primarily drawing on field investigations, this article compares the enforcement performance of two basic‐level courts in China, one in a more‐developed and the other in a less‐developed region. The level of economic development is found to be crucial in contributing to the courts' performance. Unlike the court users in the less developed area, those in the more developed area become more market‐oriented as the local economy diversifies, paving the way for more rigorous judgment enforcement; a developed local economy also allows the court to strengthen institutional building and staff professionalism. The comparison of the two Chinese courts provides empirical evidence with which to evaluate the relationship between formal contract enforcement and economic development.     

Black Political Representation: An Examination of Legislative Activity Within U.S. House Committees

How minority legislators influence policy development in Congress remains a relevant question for those interested in race and political representation. This article addresses this question using evidence from participation in committee work—a vantage point that has received minimal attention in scholarship on black political representation. I interpret racial differences in participation in House committees across a range of policy areas, demonstrating that black members participate at higher rates within committees than whites on both black interest and nonracial bills. The results suggest that race has a substantive effect on members' policy priorities and their legislative activity within committees.     

Marxism and the criminal question

The question considered is whether it is possible to trace a theoretical strategy for a criminal policy on the basis of Marx's work. The answer offered is that Marxian political and economic analysis does not supply any general theory of criminality and that any attempt to formulate such a theory (as in Lenin, Paukanis or Gramsci) necessarily leads to authoritarian and regressive conceptions of crime and punishment. Nevertheless the authors maintain that it is possible to trace three theoretical suggestions within Marxian thought which allow of a fruitful approach to the criminal question. The first suggestion relates to the economic roots of many aspects of modern criminality; the second regards the Christian and bourgeois superstition of moral liberty and individual culpability; the third suggestion deals with the lack of a guaranteed social space as the prime root of crime. These theoretical suggestions permit clarification of the social character of penal responsibility and this character points to the need for the socialization (but not deregulation) of criminal treatment.This essay grew out of a reply to a questionnaire drawn up by La questione criminale, an Italian review which tries to approach the criminal question from a Marxist standpoint.     

Contemporary Feminist Perspectives on Social Contract Theory

Abstract. This paper explores two feminist contributions to the analysis of the social contract tradition, comparing the political philosophy of Carole Pateman with the moral theory of Jean Hampton, to ask two questions. First, which points must feminists continue to argue in their critique of the social contract tradition today? The second question is: Can feminists actually draw anything from the social contract tradition today? It argues that Pateman's critique of contractarianism continues to be useful when read in the context of her analysis of “self‐ownership” and subordination rather than as a rewriting of the social contract. Hampton's deployment of a Kantian test for the failure of respect for personhood within domestic (and other) relationships does not undermine Pateman's position. Consideration of how such an ideal can be understood as potentially compatible with Pateman's perspective raises issues about the radical potential within claims for equal respect for personhood. In Hampton's work, widespread “test failure” can be used to indicate that political action rather than moral analysis is required. Hampton assumes that those employing the test are able to abstract themselves sufficiently from their current position to imagine what it would be to be treated as a person. It is argued that this “moral test” should be envisaged as being asked in concert with others, at which point it has the potential to become political action.     

Why Reflective Equilibrium? II: Following Up on Rawls's Comparison of His Own Approach with a Kantian Approach

In A Theory of Justice (1971), John Rawls introduces the concept of “reflective equilibrium.” Although there are innumerable references to and discussions of this concept in the literature, there is, to the present author's knowledge, no discussion of the most important question: Why reflective equilibrium? In particular, the question arises: Is the method of reflective equilibrium applicable to the choice of this method itself? Rawls's drawing of parallels between Kant's moral theory and his own suggests that his concept of “reflective equilibrium” is on a par with Kant's concept of “transcendental deduction.” Treating these two approaches to justification as paradigmatic, I consider their respective merits in meeting the reflexive challenge, i.e., in offering a justification for choice of mode of justification. My enquiry into this topic comprises three parts. In the first part (Eng 2014a), I raised the issue of the reflexivity of justification and questioned whether the reflexive challenge can be met within the framework of A Theory of Justice. In this second part, I shall outline a Kantian approach that represents a paradigmatic alternative to Rawls.     

Light and Darkness in the Pankisi Gorge

The resolution of the June (1963) Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee emphasized the importance of training highly qualified personnel for the economy, science and culture, of shaping a Marxist-Leninist world view and communist consciousness in such persons, and of developing lofty qualities of citizenship. The progress that will be made by higher education, and especially the quality of the training it provides, will depend to a considerable degree upon the school faculties. It is precisely the teachers of the higher schools who are called upon, in their daily work, to equip the youth with scientific knowledge and scientific methods of research, to rouse in them a love and passion for constant self-improvement in their fields, and for creative inquiry. Only a teacher who himself works energetically and thinks creatively can teach. Lenin, in his letter to the students of the school on Capri pointed out that "all ‘curricula,’ ‘rules’ and the rest, are hollow words unless the teaching staff matches up to them." (1) Therefore, the Communist Party and the Soviet government, concerned with the advancement of the Soviet school in every possible way, give special attention to the training of research and teaching personnel and to the improvement of their scholarly qualifications.