中国历史上的官员腐败及其政治、社会根源

一公共权力源自于社会权力 ,任何形式的国家都建立在相应的社会基础之上。在西欧 ,集权国家的产生是西欧社会经济演变的结果 ,成熟的社会为集权体制的形成和向现代性转型奠定了基础 ,国家的发展和社会的变迁是相互促进的。而中国集权国家的产生和发展的背景则完全不同 ,中国在早得多的历史时期就已经发育出发达和成熟的国家官僚体系。中国集权国家从产生之始就表现出同社会相对分离的特性 ,带有明显的独立生长和早熟的特征。集权国家的性质在中国社会的发展历程中起到十分重要的作用 ,使中国社会走上一条完全不同于西方的发展道路。独立生长…     

社会政治变迁与中国青年学生政治参与模式的演变

青年学生对近现代中国的政治变迁具有很深的影响。19世纪末以来,中国青年学生的政治参与可大体划分为四种模式、四个阶段。由于存在着多元文化和意识形态的冲突,社会转型期将充满着不稳定的风险。政府通过拓宽政治参与的制度化渠道,加强对青年学生的公民教育,有助于降低社会转型期的政治风险。     

中国政党制度的社会整合效应

西方思想家作为前沿理论提出的"商谈制度"、"协商民主",中国已有多年实践,其效果是连续保持近三十年的高速经济增长与社会发展。但我们还缺少对当代中国历史变迁这一巨型复杂系统的实证研究,尤其缺少对当今中国社会整合机制的实证研究。有待完善的中国政党制度和政治制度,为国家的长足发展提供了相当有效的社会整合机制。     

论全球化背景下的民族主义社会动员

在全球化背景下,民族主义社会动员日益彰显。民族主义社会动员的方式主要有教育动员、传媒动员、政治参与动员。在全球化时代背景下民族主义社会动员具有正负两极走向,全球化时代应引导民族主义社会动员走上理性、健康的发展之路。     

Nationalism,Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy

This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism.     

中国政党制度的社会稳定功能论析

社会稳定是当代中国面临的重大问题,维护社会稳定是当代中国需要解决的重要任务.中国政党制度以共产党领导、多党派合作,共产党执政、多党派参政为基本特征,以合作协商为基本愿则.既体现了民主,又实现了集中,具有强大的社会稳定功能.必须不断发展和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,充分发挥中国政党制度的社会稳定功能.     

社会阶层分化对中国政党制度社会整合功能的挑战与对策

改革开放以来,我国社会阶层的分化对中国政党制度的社会整合功能形成严重挑战.中国政党制度发挥社会整合功能、应对社会阶层分化的对策措施包括:发挥中国政党制度的利益整合功能、组织整合功能和意识形态整合功能,为构建社会主义和谐社会作出应有的贡献.     

梁启超与中国近代民族主义理论研究

戊戌变法失败流亡日本后,深受西方民族主义思想影响的梁启超,开始从新的角度来研究思考中国的民族问题,较为科学地阐释了“民族”、“中华民族”、“民族主义”的内涵,提出了富有中国特色的民族建国原则与模式,把人的改造同新国家的建设联系起来规划中国社会的发展。就其理论与实践的深度和广度而言,堪称同时代人的最高水平,在近代中国民族理论发展史上具有重要的奠基意义。     

Reclassifying Chinese Nationalism: the geopolitik turn

This article assesses the rise of China by exploring a number of recent popular Chinese political texts to go beyond explanations that take the international system as the level of analysis. It proposes that a merging of nationalism and geopolitical thinking is taking place, resulting in the emergence of a new form of nationalism that can be categorised as ‘geopolitik nationalism’ because it deploys many of the themes evident in the political thought of Germany and Japan before the two world wars. By considering the impact of such ideas, it is possible to gain new insights into recent assertive actions in Chinese foreign policy.     

New Migrants and the Revival of Overseas Chinese Nationalism

Emerging at the turn of the twentieth century, overseas Chinese nationalism played an important part in the evolution of the overseas Chinese community and modern history of China. It is generally held that overseas Chinese nationalism had died out and had become ‘a historical phenomenon’ by the 1950s, when the China-centered allegiance of the overseas Chinese was replaced by a local-oriented identity. The fundamental change of the Chinese diasporic communities over the last two decades, however, has put this conventional wisdom into contestation. This essay is concerned with the emergence of the xin yinmin (new migrants) and corresponding manifestations of a reviving overseas Chinese nationalism since 1980. It is divided into two main parts. The first is empirical, examining the rise and characteristics of the new migrants, who are composed of four main types: students-turned-migrants, emigrating professionals, chain migrants, and illegal immigrants. The second section is conceptual and comparative, looking at the manifestations and limitations of the reviving overseas Chinese nationalism and placing them in a historical perspective. It also considers the embedded tensions between nationalism and transnationalism and the strategies employed by both the Chinese state and new migrants in tackling these tensions. I argue that there are complex reasons behind the re-emergence of overseas Chinese nationalism. From overseas, it is a by-product of the formation of sizeable new migrant communities, particularly in the West. As the first-generation immigrants who have extensive links with the homeland, they remain culturally, and often, politically, attached to China (as a nation-state and/or site of transnational imaginary) and are concerned greatly with Chinese matters. Through such intermediaries as Chinese-language newspapers, websites and TV programs, they form a borderless and imagined greater China that is bound by both the ideas of sovereignty and transnational culture. From the mainland, a series of policies relating to the Chinese overseas facilitate the connections between China and its population overseas, thus providing a potential ground for the revival of overseas Chinese nationalism. I argue that the key agendas of this reviving overseas Chinese nationalism are China's economic prosperity, cultural regeneration, and national unification. This nationalism, furthermore, is characterized by its reactive nature and embedded contradictions with the simultaneous process of transnationalism, which in turn reduces the centrality and intensity of nationalism. As a result, it is unlikely to constitute a unified ideology or a movement with centralized leadership such as that in the 1930s.     

Informed Nationalism: military websites in Chinese cyberspace

This article focuses on the so-called ‘military websites’ in Chinese cyberspace to examine the complexity of contemporary Chinese nationalism. By pointing out the fact that the majority of members of military websites are well educated and well informed, yet nationalistic and anti-Western, the author argues that the key factor in shaping their nationalist thinking is the formation of a new interest-driven game-playing paradigm in the past two decades which the Chinese use to interpret national policies and international relations today. Ironically, much of the new interpretative framework has been borrowed from Western concepts and ideas, including Comprehensive National Power, National Interests, and Rules of the Game. Equipped with this new paradigm to interpret the received information and look at the world, the more informed Chinese are the more nationalist they may be, as demonstrated by the responses to the plane bugging incident by Chinese net surfers.     

海外学者论当代中国民族主义

上个世纪80年代末90年代初以来,当代中国民族主义已经成为中国思想界一个广泛、长久和相当重要的讨论议题,学者们为此进行孜孜不倦的探讨,在有关民族主义的定义、当代中国民族主义兴起的原因、特点和发展前景等问题上的研究获得诸多进展,从而有助于我们了解和认识当代中国民族主义。但是,现有的文献似乎忽视了对海外学者在当代中国民族主义问题上所取得的成果进行介绍和评论。本文立足于海外学者们的著述,旨在评介海外学者对当代中国民族主义的研究状况,目的是更深入地分析和理解存在于当代中国这样一种无法回避的重要现象。     

当下青年病态民族主义倾向的危害及其批判

当前青年病态民族主义表现为政治上的狂热激进、文化上的保守狭隘,处理外部矛盾强调敌视与对抗的战争思维,面对社会问题表现为无为的情绪型内政愤懑.其在根本上违背了历史发展的时代潮流与和平发展的时代主题,背离了中国社会发展的现实需要和构建和谐社会的思想理念.     

政府起源及其信任问题的发轫

习近平总书记曾经提出要避免政府掉入"塔西佗陷阱",对政府信任问题进行追根溯源的探究对于避免掉入"塔西佗陷阱"具有十分重要的意义。政府信任问题并不是现代社会中政府的必然产物,也不是某国政府面临的独特问题,其实是政府自诞生之日起就存在着政府本身能不能被信任的问题了。这可以从政府起源的各种学说中得到明确的证明。在政府起源的各种学说中,无论是"冲突论""融合论""契约论"还是"土匪论",其本身就包含着对政府的不信任,也就是说政府信任问题发轫于政府的起源。     

History,Chinese Nationalism and the Emerging Sino–Japanese Conflict

Anti-Japanese popular nationalism is rising high in China today. Little evidence to date proves that it is officially orchestrated. Nonetheless, Chinese popular nationalism still has deep roots in the state's history propaganda which has implanted pernicious myths in the national collective memory. Fueling mistrust and exacerbating a mutual threat perception, popular nationalism could be a catalyst for future Sino–Japanese conflict over the Taiwan problem, island disputes, and maritime resource competition. The increasingly liberalized but often biased Chinese media, the role of nationalist sub-elites, and the government's accommodation have all contributed to the strength of anti-Japanese nationalism, which cannot be mitigated by bilateral economic interdependence. To rid bilateral relations of the negative historical legacy, the two countries need the vision and determination to remove nationalistic myths and promote a shared history through mutual critique and self-reflection in transnational historians' dialogues.     

中国特色政党制度与和谐政治建设

中国特色政党制度由于根植制度本身的合作、和谐、协商理念，以及由这种政党制度所派生出来的运行机制和方式，而在构建社会主义和谐社会中发挥着独特而重要的作用。     

中国单位体制的演变与城市社会政治控制方式的调整

政治控制是国家政权为了在社会中建立和维持一定的秩序而对社会进行的支配、调节、节制与协调过程 ,是国家实现其意志的基本方式。新中国成立后 ,我国城市社会的政治控制基本是通过单位体制实施的。通过这样的控制方式 ,建立起了与计划经济相适应的经济秩序、社会秩序和政治秩序。但是 ,在改革开放不断深入的过程中 ,我国的单位体制发生了根本性的变化。在这样的情况下 ,传统的政治单位化的政治控制方式已难奏效。因此 ,必须适应社会和单位体制的变化 ,在城市社会中建立一种新型的社会化的政治控制     

论转型期社会结构变化与中国政党制度的发展

以利益群体多样化为基本特征的社会结构发生深刻变化,必然引发利益要求的冲突和社会矛盾的积累。这种社会结构的变化和利益关系的调整给中国的政党制度建设提出了新的要求,中国政党制度建设的理论和实践问题必须置于社会转型时期和全面建设小康社会所带来的大量新情况、新问题以及执政党所承担的历史任务中去思考,协调多种利益群体的政治诉求。     

有中国特色的政党制度与政治稳定

我国的政党制度是有中国特色的社会主义政党制度。它具有政治稳定的功能 ,主要体现在 :坚持了社会主义基本制度 ,体现了社会主义政治稳定的需求 ,促进了社会主义政治稳定的实现。新时期 ,要以“三个代表”思想为指导不断加强和完善有中国特色的政党制度。     

Glorious Memories of Imperial China and the Rise of Chinese Populist Nationalism

This article examines the emergence of distorted memories of Imperial China. Through popular online sites and media, populist nationalists have obtained exaggerated yet extremely sensational knowledge of Chinese history, which portrays Imperial China as benevolent, strong and more advanced than the western world. Based on these distorted memories, they blame all diplomatic controversies on other countries—western nations for their imperialist exploitation and especially neighboring countries for their ungratefulness to the Chinese empire. Due to the declining appeal of communism, as well as the corruption and isolation of official academia, the Chinese government is under heavy pressure to follow the distorted memory and restore China's historical glory.