Energy Insecurity with Chinese and American Characteristics: implications for Sino–American relations

This paper reviews Chinese and American energy futures, focusing in particular on long-term oil supply and demand, policy deliberations in China and (to a lesser extent) the United States on energy strategy and its implications for national-level decision making, and the implications of Sino–American energy futures for bilateral relations. There is far more commonality in the energy requirements of both countries than is often acknowledged, but this overlap is often obscured by domestic political agendas, corporate and bureaucratic interests, and the increasing tendency to view energy as a defense planning issue, in particular with reference to future Chinese and US maritime strategies. The conditions for heightened Sino–American energy collaboration exist, and some important initial steps have been undertaken toward this end. But sustained and far more vigorous governmental and institutional interactions will be needed to forestall the potential for heightened antagonism in the longer-term energy futures of both countries.     

APEC–A Boost for Sino-Russian Economic Cooperation

正THE Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation,APEC,is the highest-level inter-governmental mechanism for economic cooperation in the AsiaPacific region.China and Russia,who joined in 1991 and 1998 respectively as sovereign states,have deepened bilateral economic cooperation and that with other nations in the region on this important platform.With the steady improvement in their national strength,the two countries now have     

Reinterpreting the Sino–Japanese War: 1939–1940, peasant mobilisation,and the road to the PRC

The War of Resistance to Japan (1937–1945) has long been recognised as the most important stage in the Chinese Communist Party's rise to power in 1949. Particularly in its North China base areas, the Chinese Communist Party is said to have pursued moderate, inclusive, and mobilisatory tactics during the war years to build a movement for national salvation from the bottom up, which eventually led to the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The evidence from the heart of the Taihang Base Area suggests the possibility of another contrasting history, masked by current interpretations, in which 1939–1940 was a crucial turning point in that process. Starting in September 1939, and for the following six months, there is evidence of more explicitly revolutionary endeavour. The Chinese Communist Party seized power locally from its allies and destroyed the opposition; it engaged in violent land reform and wealth redistribution; and it attempted to proletarianise itself. Understanding the causes of these phenomena and their consequences in one of the most important front-line base areas provides new perspectives on both the course of the war with Japan and the Chinese Communist Party's eventual success.     

Potential Partners in the Pacific? Mutual interests and the Sino–NATO relationship

Is there mutual benefit in a relationship between the People's Republic of China and the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance (NATO)? At first glance, China and NATO appear to have little to offer one another, and many obstacles to cooperation exist. But distinct (and different) benefits exist for both parties should they elect to pursue a relationship based on interests. NATO and China share a common interest in maintaining international security, and increased interaction can thus appeal to NATO's desire to extend cooperative security beyond the Euro–Atlantic area while offering the Chinese a means for protecting their interests on the global stage in a constructive, non-threatening manner. While both NATO and China have interests in Afghanistan, the most fertile ground for a future relationship lies in mutual interests in four ‘politically acceptable’ domains: crisis management, humanitarian assistance/disaster relief, counter-proliferation and counter-piracy. Increased interaction will present both NATO and China with risks, but these are ultimately outweighed by the potential benefits.     

Sino–Russian Relations at the Start of the New Millennium in Central Asia and Beyond

Sino–Russian relations have swayed considerably in the second millennium. During the Yeltsin era, China–Russia relations were still strong, but this changed abruptly after Putin's accession to the presidency in 2000 and his initial pro-Western adventures. This was, in no small part, due to Russia's involvement in the war on terror, together with Russia's complicity in a US military presence in Central Asia which did not go down well in Beijing. Putin's domestic constituency found his swing into Washington's fold equally awkward, which created no small amount of criticism in Russia. Convinced that things could not get much worse, Putin's acceptance of NATO's expansion into the Baltics, his approval of US withdrawal from the ABM-treaty, and his quiet consent for an American military presence in Georgia raised additional fears in the Duma, within Russian public opinion, and to some extent among the Chinese. This was perceived as a direct surrender to American superiority and aggression, and it would not last for long.     

Cooperation and a Harmonious World： Advances for the Human Rights

It is an important challenge to out-line some comments on the theme of international cooperation and, in the extent of the construction of a more harmonious world, the poten-tial interactions of both government and civil society, at a national and international level, making ways for advances in the area of human rights.     

China–Africa Cooperation: promises,practice and prospects

Chinese engagement in African states has increased tremendously over the last decade, much in line with Chinese globalisation strategies and supported by state encouragement and financial support. The size and potential of China as a world power leads to the level of expectations the country faces from the developing world. However, some elements of these expectations are also created through political discourses which emphasise differences with Western countries. The types of promises that the Chinese leadership makes to create such enthusiastic welcome amongst African political leaders are linked closely to the discourse on South–South cooperation. Albeit different from Western development assistance promises and parallel attempts to produce moderate expectations, the current discourse is thus partly sowing the seeds for future disappointment. This article takes a closer look at the discussions around South–South cooperation in China–Africa relations and at key rhetorical features (‘mutual benefit’; ‘non-interference’) and at the practice of this cooperation. It concludes that the Chinese discourse is creating large public expectations in African countries and while China delivers on many projects, its impact on development is less certain. The overall development success of this strategy builds on longer-term success and is implicitly linked to the occurrence of more reforms in Africa. Chinese policy thus ‘bets on the future’ in their foreign relations with Africa; the success of this strategy is dependent on political circumstances among the partners that are largely beyond Chinese control. In a number of cases, it can thus be expected that currently up-beat political rhetoric is going to meet obstacles that will require adjustments in a discourse that, in its current form, might undermine Chinese credibility if not the core elements of South–South cooperation altogether.     

Why Do We Need ‘Myth-Busting’ in the Study of Sino–African Relations?

The literature on Sino–African relations has debated whether or not China's growing presence is a threat to Western or African interests, and has come to the conclusion that China's behavior is not uniquely immoral. Many countries, including Western liberal democracies, similarly give aid to local autocrats to secure natural resources. Why, then, has so much effort been made to come to this perhaps unsurprising conclusion? We argue that the literature on Chinese foreign policy remains heavily influenced by Western states' policy interests, resulting in an impoverished debate that is primarily concerned with the idea of a China threat. In order to recover the diversity in our research on Chinese foreign policy, we argue for the need to go beyond the confines of Western strategic interests.     

Locating Transition: the prospect for a US–China transition in Asia

In charting the water of the post-Cold War world, one of the most prominent questions touches upon the likely effects of China's rise. Echoing more or less explicitly power transition theory's assumptions, the rapid and multifaceted ascent of China has popularized the idea of a likely overtaking of the American dominant power by the rising challenger. Sceptics have, however, pointed out that by most standards China remains far from being on a par with the United States. This paper argues that though a global power transition lies far beyond the horizon, the relevant level at which the transition should be considered is the East Asian region, or the Asian ‘super-region’.     

Being Elite, 1931–2011: three generations of social change

Current interpretations of the People's Republic of China emphasize the discontinuities of 1949, and even 1978 to some extent. An examination of the experience of a Chinese family from 1931 to 2011 through three generations suggests that processes of elite formation are more complex and their interpretation might be more nuanced. In the process it highlights how one elite family managed to establish and maintain its elite status against a background of dramatic social change, and raises questions of the relationship between elite formation and the existence of a ruling class.     

Cooperation Opportunity or Confrontation Catalyst? The implication of China's naval development for China–US relations

Since the mid-1990s, China's navy has witnessed remarkable progress in force-projection capability build-up which has enabled it to move from coastal waters to the deep oceans. The continuing naval modernization process has aroused deep-rooted suspicions and two prevailing assumptions that these new capabilities will be used to challenge US maritime dominance and to fulfill national reunification of Taiwan. This article examines the validity of the hypotheses and points out that China has neither the intention nor the capabilities to pursue these objectives. By referring to the priority on China's defense agenda and imminent threat identification, this article suggests that naval modernization will enhance China's capabilities to contribute to global commons, including protection of sea lanes of communications and addressing nontraditional security threats, which will provide new opportunities and dynamics for China–US cooperation, rather than for confrontation.     

Same Bed,Different Dreams: China's ‘peaceful rise’ and Sino–Russian rivalry in Central Asia

China is already outpacing Russia, which is encountering ever more difficulties in trying to arrange a continental bloc of satellite states. While it may not be possible for China to organize its own version of such a bloc given the deep-rooted regional fears and apprehensions about Chinese objectives, in the coming years it will probably be the primary foreign economic presence in Central Asia, able to cash in on the political advantages that accrue to any such power.     

Going for the Gold:Joining the Rush to Canada

Ron Bick Lee was one of the more successful ones. Ron Bick Lee left Taishan, south-eastern China in 1910 armed with a small bag of personal possessions, carrying on his shoulders all the hopes and dreams of his townspeople. He was bound across the Pacific for gum san, Gold Mountain, specifically Canada. Thanks to his family and neighbours, who pooled their money for the 18 year old, he could afford the rites of passage and the exorbitant $500. head tax. His son, Bob, a real estate tycoon, now in his seventieth year, recalls his own life as a youngster, surviving the years of the Depression, and admiring his hard-working father The story, recently encapsu-     

Investment:The Most Sustainable Model for China-Africa Cooperation——An Interview with Chi Jianxin,President of the China-Africa Development Fund

Setting up the China-Africa Development Fund (CAD Fund), the aim of which is to support Chinese enterprises’ investment in Africa and exploration of the African market, was among the eight measures to advance practical China-Africa cooperation that President Hu Jintao raised in November 2006 at the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).     

Images,perceptions, and foreign policy: New directions in the study of Sino‐American relations

Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship: The United States and China since 1972 (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1992).

Richard Madsen, China and the American Dream: A Moral Inquiry (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995).

A. Owen Aldridge, The Dragon and the Eagle: The Presence of China in the American Enlightenment (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993).

David Shambaugh, Beautiful Imperialist: China Perceives America, 1972–1990 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).

Jie Chen, Ideology in US Foreign Policy: Case Studies in US China Policy (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1992).

Shu Guang Zhang, Deterrence and Strategic Culture: Chinese‐American Confrontations, 1949–1958 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992).

Qiang Zhai, The Dragon, the Lion, and the Eagle: Chinese‐British‐American Relations, 1949–1958 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1994).     

Huanghua: A Major Port for the Future

THEcityofHuanghualiesonthesouthwestrimoftheBohaiGulfinHebeiProvince.lthasapopulationof37o,OOO.AdozenyearsagoHuanghuawasstillanunknownplace.NowwithHuanghuaport,thesecondlargestportinChina,inuseandwiththefurtherdevelopmentoftheeconomyaroundtheBohaiGulf,HuanghuahasbecomewellknowntomanyChinese.Huanghuahasa55-kilometercoastlinep1entifulinfishandsalt.AsearlyastheSpringandAutumnPeriod(77O-475B.C.)Huanghuawasanimportantsaltproducer.Since1949,Huanghuahasbeendevelopingitsfishingindustry,andno…     

Mutual Understanding Is the Foundation of Sino-Danish Cooperation——An Interview with Danish Minister for Culture Marianne Jelved

正CHINA and Denmark have maintained highlevel contacts in 2014.In April,at the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping,Queen Margrethe Ⅱ of Denmark paid her second visit to China as the head of state.In September,Danish Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt visited China along with Danish Climate and Energy Minister     

Address by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Ms. Louise Arbour at the Opening Ceremony of the 13th Annual Workshop of the Framework on Regional Cooperation for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights in the Asia-Pacific Region

State Councilor Tang, Excellencies, Ministers, Distinguished Representatives and Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is my great pleasure to open this Annual Workshop on Regional Cooperation for the Pro- motion and Protection of Human Rights in the Asia-Pacific Region. I would like to thank warmly the Government of the People's Republic of China for hosting this Workshop and for the generous hospitality extend- ed to all of us here today. While this is your thirteenth workshop, it i…     

New DreamssBiloom on the Ancient Ik Road——China and Central Asia： Bright Prospects for Economic Cooperation

IN 138 BC, the royal court of the Western Han Dynasty sent Zhang Qian on a mission to the Western Regions, thus assigning the ancient Silk Road for trade and business exchanges between China and Central Asia, West Asia, as well as Europe and Africa. Since that time, this route saw China＇s papermaking technology, compass, gunpowder, printing techniques, silk, tea and porcelain spread to the world, while spices and gems came into China.     

Divergent Popular Support for the DPP and the Taiwan Independence Movement, 2000–2012

Mainstream views in China tend to believe that lower popular support for the DPP shown in the 2008 presidential election indicates parallel declining support for the Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM). However, this study shows that during the DPP administration of 2000–2008, popular support for the DPP and the TIM has become divergent: at the aggregate level, popular support for the DPP has generally declined since 2000, but that for the TIM has actually increased and then remained stable; at the individual level, Taiwanese people's dissatisfaction with the DPP administration significantly reduced their support for the DPP in 2008, but had no independent effect on their nationalist sentiment. Further analysis of the TIM's support base shows that the supposedly pro-status-quo pan-blue camp actually provided an increasing number of Taiwanese nationalists, which stabilized popular Taiwanese nationalism and weakened the DPP's monopoly of it.