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Japanese foreign policy six decades after the end of World War II stands at a crossroads. The forces of globalization and the rise of the BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) seem to herald the end of the unipolar post-Cold War international system and the emergence of a new era defined by multi-polarity and multilateralism. Such global trends are manifest most clearly in Japan's own backyard, where phenomenal region-wide economic growth, a gradual redistribution of power (in particular the rise of China and India), and the increasingly important role of multilateral cooperation and regional institutions are dramatically transforming East Asia. This trend shows no signs of slowing down, much less reversing itself; nor would it be in Japan's interest to pursue any policy that seeks to do so. Nevertheless, the transformation itself remains almost on auto-pilot, lacking a clear long-term guiding vision. After presenting a brief overview of Japan's past policy toward the region, the goal of this paper will be to articulate such a vision through a series of policy proposals through which to ensure future peace, stability, and prosperity in East Asia.  相似文献   

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2000年,日本的防卫与安全发生了引人注目的变化.其主要特点是加强战时立法;重组部队编制;增强军事装备;加大地区安全中的军事外交力度;开始重新审视<日美安全条约>;探讨未来日美安全保障体制应有的模式.这些变化使人们发现,一个政治上愈加自信、军事上日趋自立的日本正迅速向扮演主要地区安全角色靠拢.  相似文献   

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邵志勤 《当代亚太》2006,(12):38-44
日本经济在泡沫崩溃之后经历了十年的不景气,2002年走向复苏,近期开始步入上升轨道。随着安倍时代的开启,人们期盼日本能改善外交形象,修复日中、日韩关系。“邻里关系”一旦理顺,日本经济的走强,对提升东亚地区竞争力将具有重要作用,对改善地区融资状况、加强投资力度以及拉动出口也都会产生重大影响。  相似文献   

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刘洪钟  杨攻研 《当代亚太》2011,(2):30-51,29
希腊主权债务危机引发的欧元危机是对欧洲区域经济与货币一体化的一次重大考验,深刻反映了欧洲经货联盟成立以来所出现的两大问题:成员国之间经济的不平衡发展以及联盟合作机制的缺陷。欧元危机给东亚区域货币与金融合作的启示是,在以欧盟货币合作为样板的同时,应着重加强区域内信息共享与政策合作,以清迈倡议(CMI)和清迈倡议多边机制(CMIM)为基础加快东亚货币合作机制建设,完善区域监管体系;同时加强区域内各国汇率合作和资本账户自由化,稳步推进区域金融市场一体化进程,逐步缩小各国之间汇率波动的幅度,以此推进东亚区域经济合作向纵深发展。  相似文献   

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Japan's active engagement in the development of the Mekong region since the 1990s needs to be understood not only from an economic but also from a diplomatic perspective. Japan seeks to collaborate with ASEAN in facilitating multilateral “political dialogue” in the Asia-Pacific region and building an East Asian order based on “universal values” such as democracy and the rule of law, and the Mekong region could be the “weakest link” of ASEAN. After outlining Japan's twenty-year undertaking to cultivate Mekong-Japan cooperation, the author suggests that it is time to broaden the scope of the cooperation and accelerate Japan's “proactive contribution to peace” policy to cope with the changing security environment.  相似文献   

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How and why do countries democratize? Why does the military intervene in politics? The development of a country from an authoritarian regime to a system of democratic governance is a process which has fascinated scholars and politicians alike. In the following article, Fidel V.Ramos, former president of the Philippines (1992–1998) and president of the Ramos Peace and Development Foundation, Inc., provides his own perspective on the role of the military in shaping and protecting a society, delving into his own experiences as a former army general and defense secretary. He also examines the rationale behind, and current status of, East Asian countries in the process of transformation from a military regime to a democratically governed society.  相似文献   

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Different approaches to capitalism in the former Soviet Union are discussed in light of recent reassessments of the East Asian economic experience. A reinterpretation of theories of late-development and of economic learning is proposed to explain the focus of economists on post-Soviet/East Asian commonalities in the areas of state-led development policies and group-oriented management techniques. The paper draws on the author's extensive interviews conducted at academic institutes in Moscow and in the Russian Far East studying the Pacific Rim economies, as well as official sources and literature, Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P20, P52.  相似文献   

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After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, interest in the Middle East and Islam has surged in Japan as well as the rest of the world. This marks the third time in modern history that there has been such a surge in interest in the region. The first oil crisis in 1973 and the Gulf War in 1991 had prompted the other occasions. On the previous occasions, the interest had been fleeting and had not had any lasting effect on the economic and political trends of Japan. In this article, Akira Mizuguchi, senior research fellow at the Middle East Institute of Japan, reflects on Japan's relationship with Islam. In a world of increasing globalization, the role of the nation state is changing. He considers whether Japanese interests within the framework of the nation state should determine strategies for energy, which has an enormous impact on economic activity. Also, he ponders on the best way to respond to the various social problems arising from the increase in multicultural friction.  相似文献   

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This paper traces the history of Japan's Official Development Assistance centered in Southeast Asia through the decades from the 1960s to the 2000s. The characteristics of the “Japan ODA model” are examined and three conditions for economic growth generated by ODA are proposed. Whether or not the “Japan ODA model” is applicable in other regions is also discussed.  相似文献   

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It is hard to judge where Japan really stands on defense issues, and foreigners and Japanese alike over‐emphasize the importance of form and neglect real substance when trying to judge Japanese attitudes, according to Sam Jameson, the dean of American journalists in Japan, who has lived and worked here for 38 years. Japan is not as pacifistic a nation as Article 9 mandated it ought to be, but neither is it the innately militaristic country that some of its Asian neighbors believe it to be. Japan spends more money on wine and women and karaoke singing than on weapons. However, Japan needs to give more serious attention to defense issues; it cannot opt out of the world. It should amend its Constitution to accord with defense realities, acknowledge past aggression, adopt a needs‐oriented system of defense budgeting, and give its defense capabilities more depth. Jameson is a visiting scholar at UPS, and is working on a book about Japan.  相似文献   

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田赐 《战略决策研究》2020,(2):49-64,102,103
2017年以后,美日两国都开始表达对现有国际秩序的担忧,两国对国际秩序问题的认知基本一致,都认为提高两国防务合作,加强同盟威慑力,是维护美国主导的国际秩序的必要举措。在这种战略共识的支配下,2017年以来,美国和日本的防务合作有了更多的发展,主要表现在提升协作能力、提高进攻能力、强化联合反导能力等三个方面。  相似文献   

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This article deals with the management of knowledge for conflict resolution and innovation in Africa. After a brief discussion of the research methodology followed, a feedback is provided on the field study conducted from 2006 to 2008 in northern Uganda and Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, and in the DRC. As a result of the field study, certain principles and practices were identified whereby the challenges facing Africa could be examined. The author found five ‘realms’ in which knowledge management can take place and that traditional knowledge practices, if merged with more modern knowledge management practices, provide a valuable framework for using knowledge management for conflict resolution and innovation in Africa. Best practices that were identified include an intra-connected and collective knowledge production system and the production of tacit knowledge, especially among the new generation or youth. Furthermore, the importance of intellectual capital (in the form of value-driven leadership, competent managers and expert knowledge workers) and the activation of an intervention into the continuous spiral of violent conflict which will ultimately lead to the innovative transformation of African society are discussed. Finally, some recommendations are offered as possible solutions for conflict resolution and innovation in Africa.  相似文献   

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The American occupations of Germany and Japan have many lessons to offer the United States today as it contemplates creating new political orders in Afghanistan and Iraq. The lessons that are to be drawn are not, however, the ones that are usually drawn by the current administration and others. First and foremost, a systematic comparison with the German and Japanese experiences clearly shows that the preconditions for democratization are not present in the contemporary cases, suggesting that the United States needs to recalibrate its objectives. Instead of seeking democratization, the United States should try first to create stability, even as it creates at least the institutional forms on which a more pluralistic political system can eventually be erected. The U.S. experience with state building in the Philippines and South Korea may be more relevant today than the German and Japanese cases. Other lessons that can be drawn from the German and Japanese as well as other past U.S. experiences with occupying countries include: the importance of finding a common threat that can unite enough indigenous elites that order can be established; integrating the new states into regional systems; and perhaps most importantly, using the instruments of transitional justice (trials, purges, censorship, etc.) in a fashion calculated to rehabilitate and incorporate supporters of the old regimes while delivering a modicum of justice.  相似文献   

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The modernization of Japan's trade policies and social structure, argues Professor Ronald Dore of the London School of Economics, will increase Japan's social instability. The continuation of the outdated Japan‐US alliance, he states, only inhibits the growth of the international order; he warns that the day may come when Japan's interests lie with China rather than the US. Dore advocates that Japan adopt a proactive foreign policy, using military force not for reasons of national interest, but only to contribute to the peaceful settlement of international conflicts.  相似文献   

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