Transnational Environmental Movement: impacts on the green civil society in China

China has become part of the global trend of solidarity and networking among grassroots non-governmental organisations across national borders. This paper examines the social and political implications for Chinese green civil society from the activities in the country by international environmental NGOs. Following a historical, statistical and geographical profile of transnational civil society's penetration in China, it investigates closely the material and ideational benefits received by Chinese activist organisations from transnational collaboration, against the complex and often nebulous interactions between Chinese NGOs, their global partners and the government authorities. The paper argues that transnational civil society's presence and achievements in China have helped legitimise and strengthen the burgeoning civil society in the country, and this is meaningful beyond the environmental field.     

Strategic State Engagement in Transnational Activism: AIDS prevention in China

Existing literature on transnational activism highlights the contention between the targeted state and the advocacy actors, and the leveraged politics enabled through a third party. Based on an empirical study of transnational activism related to AIDS prevention in China, this paper argues that when the targeted government is not susceptible to inter-governmental pressure or international media exposure, external advocacy actors do not cease to be relevant to domestic politics. On the contrary, their role becomes more crucial under such conditions in terms of both immediate adjustments of practices at the community level and accumulative effects on long-term policy changes. This study has found that international non-governmental organizations and private foundations have employed various types of methods to strategically engage Chinese governmental agencies and officials for urgent relief delivery and opportunity of policy advocacy.     

Burgeoning Transnationalism of Taiwan's Social Movement NGOs

So far as Taiwan's foreign relations are concerned, in parallel to the state's diplomacy and state-blessed Track-II maneuvering, there has emerged a more natural and meaningful phenomenon: i.e. grassroots solidarity between Taiwanese activist NGOs and their foreign counterparts, as a result of the joint pursuit of common social justice goals. It is high time that voluntary transnational activism was studied for a more comprehensive understanding of Taiwan's foreign relations in the era of democratization and surging activism of transnational social movement campaigns. This paper discusses the internationalization of Taiwan's social movement NGOs: their background, motivations, activities, and roles in transnational politics. Special attention is paid to the fact that while Taiwanese NGO activities in the transnational NGO community by nature ignore and disregard the state's diplomatic interests, both the quality and quantity of such activities have been severely restricted by Taiwan's poor diplomatic status in the inter-state community. This is a unique paradox not studied in the mainstream discourse on transnational civil society.     

Made in China vs. Made by Chinese: Global Identities of Chinese Business

The interaction between two perspectives—China as a world factory and Chinese business knowledge—has been complicated by the ever greater tensions generated from the national—China—and the transnational actors—Chinese—in understanding the economic driving force behind the real meanings of the rise of China. The construction process of the rise of Chinese economic power puts the state in direct contact with regional and global economic/political changes. On the one hand, Chinese business knowledge, identities, economic and political interactions also give rise to the notion of network building and sub-regional development, which help transcend country-specific relations. On the other hand, the notion of the rise of China is still being re-constructed through the interplay between regional and global political economy.     

Navigating between Disaggregating Nation States and Entrenching Processes of Globalisation: reconceptualising the Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia

This paper argues that the fluidity that permeates the contemporary international community is driven by especially political and economic globalisation, which has a huge impact on the relationship between the nation and the state. As the individual nation state is increasingly dependent on the international community for its economic survival this dependency on the global has as a consequence that it rolls back aspects of national sovereignty thus opening up the national hinterland for further international influences. These developments initiate a process of disaggregating state and nation, meaning that a gradual disarticulation of the relationship between state and nation produces new societal spaces, which are contested by non-statist interest groups and transnational more or less deterritorialised ethnic affiliated groups and networks. The argument forwarded in this article is that Southeast Asians of Chinese descent utilise these newly created spaces for setting up diasporic-like networks thus providing substance for transnational ethnoscapes or nations without states.     

The Rise of China: media perception and implications for international politics

In recent years, the rise of China as an emerging great power has been widely perceived across the world. How has the rise of China been represented over time in the Western news media? Has the image of China as a rising power had any impact on the country's soft power? These questions remain unanswered but answering them is of great significance in helping us understand the impact of the news media on the transformation of international politics in the information age. This paper conducts a longitudinal study to examine the nature of Chinese coverage and explores how the image of a rising China—economically, politically, regionally and globally—has been represented in three transnational newspapers in Europe. It further argues that the Western media coverage of China's rise is as a soft power, which, to some extent, has an impact upon China's foreign relations.     

What is Chinese about Chinese Businesses? Locating the ‘rise of China’ in global production networks

There is an implicit but commonly held assumption that Chinese businesses are distinctively Chinese. Casting them in unitary and national terms, this assumption has often provided the underpinnings for the conception of the strength of Chinese businesses as signs of an emerging China threat. Drawing on a global production networks (GPN) approach, this paper aims to question the assumption by arguing that many Chinese businesses, embedded in the expanding global and regional production networks, have taken on important transnational characteristics. Given these transnational connections, Chinese business networks in both ‘Greater China’ and China proper are characterized more by diversity and fragmentation than by cultural coherence and homogeneity. This analysis of the transnationalization and fragmentation of contemporary Chinese businesses helps better understand and respond to the complex challenge posed by the economic dynamism in China.     

国际组织在政策转移中的作用研究——以UNDP参与中国小额信贷政策为例

随着中国逐渐成为国际治理结构中的重要组成部分,国际组织反过来在中国政策变迁中也扮演着越来越重要的角色。本文通过辨析超国家组织的"超国家性"和国际组织的"国际性",提出了国际组织在跨国政策转移过程中的特殊作用。在实证上,文章研究了联合国发展计划署(UNDP)在中国小额信贷政策制定中的作用。UNDP在最近十多年间有策略地向中国政府推介小额信贷扶贫政策的过程中扮演着信息传播者、政策试验室和政策顾问三方面角色。另外,国际组织在对发展中国家的政策转移的消极影响主要表现为对发展中国家的政策主权和政策价值的冲击。     

全球化时代的国际危机及中国的应对

全球化时代的到来加强了国际社会各行为主体之间的互动,从而使得全球性风险系数加大.新的时代背景呼唤新的安全理念,为了有效地应对危机的挑战,国际社会成员间的合作与沟通显得尤为重要.处于全球化时代背景下的中国,需要增强危机意识,在加强与国际社会合作的同时,尽快完善我国应对危机的制度建设和法律建设,提高危机应对能力,更好地维护中国的国家利益.     

Dissent and the emergence of civil society in post‐totalitarian China

There are several theories which argue that dissent is the precursor of civil society in totalitarian regimes. Several factors contribute to the emergence of dissent in these regimes, yet it remains to be proven in the case of China, whether this can be interpreted as the emergence of a civil society that feels it has the inalienable right to criticize the regime; to disagree with its policies; to remind authorities of their duties, obligations and laws; and to advocate alternative policies for the government to pursue. The response of the Chinese Communist Party to dissident challenges to its monopolistic moral authority provides some insight into the changing nature of the regime itself, particularly with the political and economic imperatives of modernization. Generally intellectuals and students, who have varying conceptions of the nature of the relationship between the government and its people, have been the voices of dissent. Despite these variations however, there has been consistency on the basic principles of respect for human rights and the rule of law. Formally organized programs of action, aside from the 1949 Revolution, have never really been developed which, along with a lack of organizational strength and with a vulnerability to repressive Party measures, is a primary weakness in the dissident movement. Whether dissidents enjoy the support of the Chinese people is debatable, because it is primarily though not exclusively, an urban based movement. Nevertheless, dissent in China is growing and being expressed by different sectors of the population which is an indication of the increasing consciousness of the Chinese people to their rights and responsibilities as citizens that go beyond the dictates of the Chinese Communist Party. In other words, dissent and the emergence of civil society in China are inextricably intertwined.     

The Poverty of Social Rights and Dilemmas of Urban Poverty in China

This article, drawing references from popular theories of social exclusion, capability and civil rights, develops a concept—the poverty of social rights—in the causal analysis of poverty. The author believes that deficiency of economic resources and working capability are not the only reasons for urban poverty; in fact, the lack of social rights on the part of the disadvantaged sectors of society constitutes simultaneously the cause and consequence of urban poverty. The article defines the concept of poverty of social rights and its characteristics, and analyzes its China phenomenon. In the end the article poses several options and remedies for China's poverty-relief efforts through designing and implementing a Chinese-style affirmative action.     

Nationalism,Civilization and Transnational Relations: the discourse of Greater China

This essay examines the interplay between nationalism and foreign policy in China—but with a twist. It seeks to loosen up analytical categories to expand from cultural nationalism to see how civilization constructs identity in national and transnational ways. It examines the limits of Chinese trans/nationalism according to the main Chinese expression of inside/outside—‘civilization/barbarism’—as it constructs Chinese nationalism and Greater China. The purpose is to both critically examine Chinese nationalism and to trace what our focus on the nation-state obscures: namely, transnational politics. Rather than recounting one master narrative of Chinese nationalism, the essay argues that civilization and barbarian define Greater China according to four narratives—nativism, conquest, conversion and diaspora. Hence, the essay does not merely deconstruct the notion of Greater China and Chinese nationalism, but shows how these four grids of meaning can help us to understand identity politics and foreign policy debates in China. Nationalism thus turns from being the Answer about the true intent of China, to being a series of questions which define different terrains of political inquiry.     

公民权利与道德权利辨析

现代和谐社会的一个重要特征是公民具有独立的人格和平等的权利。厘清权利、法律权利和道德权利这些"最受人尊敬而又确实模糊不清的概念",有利于以义务为表征的中国传统道德文化的转换和提升。正在成长的中国公民社会和正在实现伟大复兴的中华民族需要一同培育起公民权利意识和公平正义的道德认知。     

论中国文化在国际政治中的地位和作用

冷战结束后,文化在国际政治中的地位和作用不断提升。中国要在国际社会中发挥作用,就必须融入国际社会。中国文化将会成为中国融入国际社会的重要力量,它在塑造自己国际形象的同时,又与世界各种文化交流对话,在交流中促进相互了解,在对话中加深相互认同。     

公民社会组织在构建和谐社会中的作用及其发展途径

和谐社会构建不仅需要政府的政策引导,也必须依靠各种组织和全民的力量。在我国,作为处于政府、市场、家庭之间的一种特殊组织结构,公民社会组织在社会的协调与发展中已经初显其价值与作用。重视公民社会组织的影响力,提升公民社会组织的功能,对于协调社会关系、促进社会和谐发展,将会起到积极的作用。     

About Face—the relational dimension in Chinese IR discourse

The preservation of face is an important concept in Chinese behavioral patterns, both at individual and national levels. Beyond national interest considerations, modern-day diplomacy between China and the world also involves substantially the exchange of face. This article will argue that face represents a relational understanding of how China views and interacts with the world. By linking face to three themes that international relations scholars frequently use in describing how China sees the world, namely, the tribute system, the Chinese memory of historical humiliation and China’s distrust of the American-led international system, the article hopes to show how the understanding of face—as a crucial element of Chinese identity—can inform scholars and practitioners in their attempts to engage China.     

River Politics: China's policies in the Mekong and the Brahmaputra in comparative perspective

China manages its transboundary rivers as a subset of its broader relations with other riparian states. This results in discernible differences in the way China approaches its international river systems. Although there is a limit to the extent of Chinese cooperation, in relative terms China is more cooperative in the Mekong than in the Brahmaputra. To China, Southeast Asian states are part of a hierarchical system where it stands at the apex. While problems exist, there are deep linkages between them, which help foster collaboration in the Mekong. India, which has greater power parity with China, is not part of China's hierarchical worldview. The territorial disputes and security dilemmas that characterize South Asian geopolitics further impede cooperation. Domestic considerations also impact on China's river policies. There is greater consensus among Chinese policymakers in managing the Mekong than the Brahmaputra, which explains the higher degree of clarity in Chinese policies towards the former compared to the latter.     

Requests for Environmental Information Disclosure in China: an understanding from legal mobilization and citizen activism

This article analyzes the fairly recent phenomenon of citizens and organizations requesting disclosure of environmental information in China. Chinese citizens and organizations are invoking the new open government information regulations to push government agencies, particularly environmental protection agencies, to fulfill their legal obligation of information disclosure. By requesting that government agencies disclose environmental information, citizens and organizations have turned themselves into active agents pushing forward the implementation of the new regulations. The findings of this article suggest that a bottom-up legal mobilization in the field of environmental information disclosure, though still with a limited scope, has been happening and endeavoring to make social and political changes in China. Furthermore, this legal mobilization can be seen as an important part of emerging civil society activities in contemporary China.     

新冠疫情背景下中国的公共卫生外交:成就、困难与进一步推进的路径

新冠疫情治理需要国际社会加强合作,公共卫生外交是促进各国进行公共卫生合作、建立疫情全球防线的关键举措。通过开展公共卫生外交,一方面,中国争取了世界卫生组织和国际社会的支持和帮助,满足了中国抗击国内新冠疫情形势的需要;另一方面,中国凭借丰硕的抗疫成果在全球树立了典范,通过对国际社会进行疫情通报、经验沟通、技术合作和医疗援助,推动了人类卫生健康共同体理念的传播,守护了全球疫情防线。同时也应注意到,国家层面公共卫生安全战略的不完善、一些西方国家的大国博弈旧思维,以及各国公共卫生治理理念与能力的差异等问题对中国当前的公共卫生外交提出了挑战。对此,中国应尽快完善国家公共卫生安全战略,秉承人类卫生健康共同体理念,大力推进全球公共卫生外交并积极贡献卫生公共产品,以巩固新冠疫情防控的全球战线。     

The China challenge: Theoretical perspectives and policy implications

Over the past few years there has been a heated debate in the West over the potential challenge of an increasingly strong and assertive China to the Asia‐Pacific region and to the world in general. This article offers a systematic analysis of the debate on China's emerging role in the international system and its security implications from the theoretical perspectives of realism and liberalism. While both international relations theories have provided valuable insights, neither of them alone is able to unravel the puzzle of whether a prosperous and powerful China will be a major force of stability or a threat to international peace. Drawing on the theory of trade expectations, this article shows the conditions under which high interdependence between China and its trading partners will lead to pacific or belligerent Chinese behavior. If Chinese decision‐makers’ expectations for future trade are high, they will be less likely to use force to deal with unresolved disputes with neighboring countries. If, however, they have a negative view of their future trading environment, they will be likely to take measures, including military actions, to remove any obstacles that might forestall the pursuit of great‐power status. For the moment, China's expectations of future trade are by and large optimistic, but there is evidence of growing Chinese suspicion of a Western ‘conspiracy’ to contain China which may alter Beijing's future perceptions. To ensure that the rise of China will not cause regional and global instability, the outside world should seek to integrate China into the international community by pursuing policies that will have a positive influence on China's expected value of trade. In the meantime, some elements of the balance of power strategy need to be introduced in order to curtail China's expected value of war.