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1.
The 1999 Australian republic referendum was intended to finalise the nation-building process begun in the mid-nineteenth century and to exploit growing national consciousness in the wake of post-World War II cosmopolitan immigration and the 1988 bicentenary. Despite strong republican support recorded by opinion polls and a broadly favourable media climate the proposal to institute a republic was defeated. The article summarises the campaign and explores some of the reasons that have been advanced, including the part played by the prime minister, for its outcome; it concludes that 'the model' might have been a contributory factor, but probably not the sole explanation. A re-run is unlikely before the election of a sympathetic, probably Labor, government. The episode illustrates the immensity of the difficulty facing republicans in Britain where similarly favourable conditions are inconceivable in the foreseeable future.  相似文献   

2.
Scholars argue that we cannot see civil society organizations (CSOs) as legitimate players in policy if we have no clear ways to define them and if we lack information explaining their functions. Thus, scholars and practitioners alike have encouraged the ‘mapping’ of civil society. Mapping civil society consists of gathering and collating information on CSOs and often making it publicly available. There is little scholarship about such mapping efforts implemented by government. This article compares new mapping efforts in two countries—i.e., registries of CSOs created by governments in Ecuador and Colombia. The article examines the intentions of civil society mapping by government, identifying three key goals: to collect data, to regulate, and to foster collaboration. It discusses the differences across civil society mappings by government and in comparison with other mapping projects. The article argues that registries are increasingly positioned as a link between government and civil society not only to collect data for transparency but also to implement regulatory measures and to foster various degrees of collaboration. Thus, greater research attention to civil society mappings by government and their possible implications on civil society development and civil society/state relations is needed.  相似文献   

3.
The French Revolution raised the problem of how to construct a modern republic under conditions of acute political conflict. The debate over the forms of government was at its most intense before the outbreak of the Terror in 1793, when there seemed to be no alternative to instituting a republic, but there was serious disagreement over what this entailed. The problem was considered in terms of the political thought of Hobbes, Locke, Bayle, Voltaire, Helvetius, Montesquieu, Rousseau and Sieyès. The urgent political and constitutional need to reconcile accountable with effective government was central to the use made of both inherited and new ideas about the republican form of government. This parallels Madison's concern to reconcile accountable with effective government during the constitutional debates of the American Revolution.  相似文献   

4.
Government action in Italy is notoriously slow in most policy areas, but, when necessary, the government can act both decisively and effectively. This article is a case‐study of the decisional process surrounding such an issue, the new code of criminal procedure that was implemented in late 1989. Factors other than the alluring explanations of government longevity and coalition stability account for the success of this institutional reform. In the case of the new code, a sense of urgency was created and a champion for the cause was found in government; these two factors and public demand for changes generated a momentum towards implementation of major institutional reform that survived onslaught by interest groups and even the fall of two governments.  相似文献   

5.
Decentralization has been a central concern in the Sudan and has inspired a far reaching restructuring of government. Following a transfer of substantial functions from central government ministries to province councils in 1979 new regional governments were created in 1980 as a level of government between provinces and the central government. This article describes the reasons for the introduction of regional government, the aims for it and the structure of government created.  相似文献   

6.
Sue Granik 《政治学》2005,25(2):89-98
This article explores an area of British political party funding that is overlooked, under-researched and under-regulated: party commerce. A comparison of the trading activities of five large and five small political party headquarters units is presented using audited political party accounts made public by the Electoral Commission in 2003, the first year in which such data became available. The anomalies in party funding transparency arising from the lack of regulation of political party commerce are discussed. The dangers of allowing party commerce to continue unregulated, or of inappropriate regulation, are debated.  相似文献   

7.
解构与重构:行业协会商会脱钩改革的政会关系变迁研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
作为中国现代社会组织体制改革的突破口,行业协会商会与行政机关脱钩改革从试点进入到全面推开阶段。考察脱钩改革的历史变迁,“去行政化”的核心目标和“推行政会分开”的改革方式一以贯之,政府对行业协会商会既培育发展又规范管理、秩序优先于活力的价值排序,构成中国行业协会商会管理体制改革的逻辑起点。脱钩改革带动政会关系从“行政主导”的解构转向“政治领导与合作共治并进”的重构,为此,需要从政治领导关系和合作共治关系两方面对构建适应于后脱钩时代的新型治理制度框架和整合机制提出完善建议。  相似文献   

8.
This article argues that there is not one conception of the French nation and Republic among French Republicans, but two. One theory is assimilationist and centralising. It regards the Republic as one and indivisible and the French nation a cultural whole. The other is more regionalist, envisaging a republic that is perhaps indivisible, but certainly diverse and respectful of local cultures. The article traces these contending conceptions through three constitutional debates: the debate on the reform of the Empire in 1946; the debate on the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992; and the recent debate on decentralisation, which was re-launched at the beginning of the 2000s by the left and subsequently taken over by the right.  相似文献   

9.
This article contests the conservative revisionism that emphasizes the importance of traditional families, pietistic religion, individual moral virtue, and small government for undergirding democratic self‐government. The first part exposes the conservative misreading of American history and political theory. The second part uses the civic engagement of middle‐ and upper‐class women in 19th‐century America to construct a progressive alternative to conservative narratives. It shows that women did not stay home and focus on the family during the 19th century but instead entered civil society to address the problems created by industrialization, formed social reform movements, built institutions to pursue a social justice agenda, and demanded that the government take an active role in solving public problems. Their civic engagement built on and created social capital, grew out of and produced a sense of civic virtue (defined as public‐spiritedness), and resulted in the demand for progressive government.  相似文献   

10.
Since gaining independence in 1991, the former Soviet republic of Ukraine has been plagued by persistent fiscal deficits and punctuated periods of rampant inflation. Having few options to cover the fiscal deficit, Ukraine in 1992–94 largely resorted to money creation. The result was that hyperinflation broke out in late 1993, its burden falling mainly on households, but also eroding the capital of state enterprises. Falling revenues and robust expenditures—even in the face of the continuing output collapse—were exacerbated by a policy of lavishing large amounts of cheap credits on state enterprises. This article reviews and analyzes the causes of Ukraine's inflationary impulse, the descent into hyperinflation in 1993–94, its effects, and the subsequent drive to stabilization by 1996. It concludes that a substantial erosion of the inflation tax base by late 1995 propelled the government to pursue stabilization through an IMF-sponsored program of fiscal restraint. A two-year drive to fiscal and monetary stabilization ensued. Stabilization was largely achieved by mid-1996, permitting a currency reform in September.  相似文献   

11.
This article empirically tests competing explanations for intergenerational policy differences using a cross section of generational accounts from Kotlikoff and Leibfritz (1999). Generational imbalance rises when a public transfer program is created that benefits living generations and harms future generations. Generational imbalance is greatest in countries with a large elderly population, high income growth rate, greater income inequality, and dispersed political parties. The results are consistent with successful rent seeking by the elderly and poor, and suggest that countries with a high income growth rate and coalition government are less able to resist intergenerational redistribution.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines the consequences of local government complexityon county revenue decisions in fourteen Texas counties comprisingthe Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston metropolitan areas. Thereare significant differences in the configuration of local governmentsin the two areas traceable to when cities, school districts,and special districts were created. County revenue decisionsare also affected by the different configuration of governmentsin the two areas. These findings challenge the conventionalwisdom that states create local governments. Local choices areinstrumental in shaping local government complexity. What government-typesare chosen, and when, produce distinctive patterns of governancefrom one metropolitan area to the next, even in the same state.Consequently, reforms aimed at making the county the "localgovernment of the future" would require perhaps insurmountablechanges in state and local structures  相似文献   

13.
What effect, if any, does a change in type of government have on the degree of media personalisation? This article argues that the different incentives that single- and multi-party governments provide to individual politicians and parties affect the level of media personalisation. Where the parties are more involved (i.e. multi-party coalitions) there will be less media personalisation. In contrast, where a single individual can command the party, there will be more media personalisation. The article tests these assumptions with a novel dataset created from over 1 million newspaper articles covering a continuous 24-year period in the UK. It finds that the switch to a coalition government in 2010 indeed changed the dynamics of media personalisation. These findings not only provide key insights into the phenomenon of personalisation but also enable us to better understand some of the potential consequences of changes in government types for power dynamics and democratic accountability.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract. Although a majority of Australian voters favour the introduction of a republic, in the November 1999 referendum a majority of them nevertheless voted to retain the monarchy. This article explains the background to this apparently perverse outcome. The central problem was asking the Australian electorate to make a complex, technical choice about the system of government, in the absence of clear partisan cues. As a result, republicans were divided on the method of election for the head of state, effectively resulting in three separate groups of voters favouring change. Using survey data collected just after the referendum, four hypotheses are tested to explain the result. The most important influence on voting was views about whether or not to sever the link with Britain, followed by the positive and negative aspects of the proposed change, and the cues presented by the leaders of the respective YES and NO campaigns. The interaction between these factors enabled political elites opposed to change to manipulate the result in their favour.  相似文献   

15.
Hanberger  Anders 《Policy Sciences》2003,36(3-4):257-278
This article explores the interplay of local government policy and legitimacy from a broad postpositivist perspective where historical accounts and narratives are used in a complementary fashion. The basic assumption is that legitimacy is the product of satisfying felt needs and solving perceived problems. Health and social malaise problems and related policies of the past 120 years are analyzed in 50 Swedish municipalities. The analysis indicates that municipality policies respond to local problems only partly. Generally, local government policies responded dynamically to 'objective’ and perceived problems before the 1970s, but did not resolve the problems. Today’s legitimacy crisis could, to some extent, be explained by the discrepancy between high expectations created in the policy discourse and the central and local government’s incapacity to offer sustainable solutions to ongoing problems. It is suggested that if history is considered more seriously in public policy making it could help policy makers and citizens readjust expectations, illuminate the limits and prospects for public policy, and identify ways to restore legitimacy. Moreover, legitimacy could be restored if more realistic policies are worked out and if a new division of power between the levels of government is introduced.  相似文献   

16.
This article focusses on the future of food in the UK in the context of Brexit. It examines the claims and promises made by Brexiteers before the referendum and juxtaposes these with the approach pursued by the Conservative‐led government since. The article argues that there is a clear dissonance between the two. This dissonance is the result of two important factors. First, the government is stuck in a non‐decision‐making mode, making it unable to pursue clear policies. Second, the food claims and promises made by Brexiteers are in opposition to what the vast majority of the public, food experts, farmers and food businesses want. Through exploring these two factors, and the Brexiteers’ claims and promises, the article explains what leaving the EU might mean for the future of food in the UK.  相似文献   

17.
Zines  Leslie 《Publius》1990,20(4):19-34
This article examines the non-fiscal powers of the federal Parliamentof Australia to make laws to control the economy. Although thecommerce power in Australia was inspired by that in the U.S.Constitution, the High Court of Australia has not followed theliberal interpretation of the commerce power adopted by theU.S. Supreme Court since 1937. However, other express federalpowers, particularly those relating to corporations and externalaffairs, have been used for purposes that in the United Stateswould be encompassed by the commerce power. While the AustralianParliament does not have the degree of power possessed by Congress,the judicial trend is toward broader interpretations of federalpowers. Also discussed is Section 92 of the Australian Constitution,which declares that "trade, commerce and intercourse among theStates shall be absolutely free." This provision, which limitsboth federal and state power, was interpreted for many decadesas embodying the principle oflaissezfaire. In 1988 the HighCourt of Australia held that its scope is limited to prohibitinglaws that discriminate against interstate commerce with a protectionistpurpose or effect.  相似文献   

18.
Democratic governments have spent much of the last two decades attempting to recalibrate their governance systems around a single focal entity: the citizen. The all‐pervasive rhetoric of citizen‐centred governance has seen policies conceived, delivered and evaluated in terms of the satisfaction levels achieved by individual ‘citizens’. This article argues that by disaggregating societal interests down to the smallest available individual unit – the citizen – policy makers have created unrealistic expectations of individual participation, leading to public distrust when ‘citizen‐centred’ rhetoric does not match reality. Simultaneously, the focus on individual outcomes has narrowed the policy‐making gaze away from wider society‐level measures that could create more robust policy options in the face of ‘hard choices.’ The result – paradoxically – is that the more government focuses on pleasing the individual citizen, the less trusting those citizens are of government's ability to deliver meaningful outcomes.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

After more than fifty years of conflict, in 2016 a peace agreement was signed by the Colombian government and the leftist group FARC. The agreement created important opportunities for addressing historical inequalities. However, some of the aspirations of the peace agreement may be too ambitious and generate expectations that exceed the capacities of existing state institutions. In addition, there has been opposition by political and social actors. This article examines the challenges to building a comprehensive and inclusive social contract through the lens of two ‘core conflict issues’: land, and illicit crops and the drug trade.  相似文献   

20.
The Joint Financial Management Improvement Program was created by the Congress as a means to encourage and sanction cooperation between the executive and legislative branches in the improvement of the government's financial management. This article traces the need for and development of the Joint Program. It also points out how underutilized the Joint Program is in today's efforts by the federal government to develop financial systems which have real meaning for administrative and program management.  相似文献   

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