Theory of science and history of science

The article uses an interesting discussion between historian and philosopher of science as point of departure for a brief examination of the special task of the sociology of sciences. Both historian and philosopher proceed according to certain ritualised conventions. They take it for granted that it is possible, today as in the seventeenth century, to work out a theory of science by concentrating on one science only, on theoretical physics. They are unable to come to grips with the diversification of sciences as a theoretical problem. The growth of a single science itself is treated by them as if it were an absolutely autonomous social development. A sociological theory of sciences has to take account of the observable advance of scientific knowledge into areas of the universe that were previously unknown or inaccessible to scientific exploration. It has to take account for instance of the emergence of biological and social sciences both as a science-immanent and a science-transcendent problem. Philosophers and historians of science have constructed a seemingly impenetrable conceptual wall between immanent and transcendent developments. According to them, ‘internal’ history of a science can be treated as independent of ‘external’ history. The article indicates that this is part of a professional ideology. By claiming absolute autonomy for one's subject matter one tries to secure the absolute autonomy of one's profession. If that claim is abandoned the fashionable problem of continuities and discontinuities in the development of sciences appears in a different light. Neither discontinuity nor autonomy of a scientific development can ever be absolute. Its relative autonomy, however, can grow or diminish. That of physics, for instance, is at present noticeably greater than that of sociology. One may well ask why that is the case. That is the kind of problem which requires a sociological as distinct from a philosophical or historical investigation.     

Adler on the influence of siblings in political socialization

This paper reviews the individual psychology of Alfred Adler with a focus on the implications for political science. Adler's emphasis on social characteristics of the family suggests several hypotheses about the influence of siblings on a sense of political efficacy. These hypotheses are tested with the following results. First, the size of the family affects the sense of political efficacy of boys, but not girls. As family size increases, boys' sense of political efficacy decreases. Second, birth order affects the sense of political efficacy. Specifically, youngest children have a higher sense of political efficacy than middle children, who have a higher sense of political efficacy than oldest children. Finally, the sense of political efficacy for sibling dyads conforms to the predictions based on birth order effects. Siblings of the same sex have lower agreement scores than siblings of the opposite sex.A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the 1977 Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.     

Cycles of Political Control: the case of the Canton of Zürich, 1880–1983

Abstract. On the basis of data from the Canton of Zurich for the period from 1880 to 1983 this paper tests three models of political control: the 'crime control', 'conflict', and 'economic crises' models. It is suggested that each of the models might be valid for a particular sub-period. The identification of sub-periods is based on the idea of Kondratiev cycles. For each sub-period the effects of crime rates, the frequency of strikes and of bankruptcies on the number of police personnel and the severity of convictions are estimated by means of ARIMA modeling. The results show different patterns for each sub-period. For the period from 1880 to 1933 growth rates of the indicators of political control are best explained by the frequency of strikes. For the second period there is a strong direct effect of economic crises on the extent of political control.     

地方政府绩效评估的"南通模式":效应、瓶颈及努力方向

基于目标导向的地方政府绩效评估的“南通模式”具有十分明显的传递效应、导向效应和监督效应。同时,也存在着指标体系没有充分体现现代政府绩效评估的要求、政府绩效评估工作机制有待统一完善、政府绩效考核的方法和工具比较单一、政府绩效考核的结果运用不够全面等亟待消除的难点与瓶颈。完善基于目标导向的地方政府绩效评估模式的主要路径是：以科学发展观指导地方政府绩效评估、完善政府绩效评估工作机制、将政府绩效评估从技术方法提升到制度安排、深化地方政府绩效评估结果运用等。     

人的抽象与人的现实——马克思视野中的"人"

马克思视野中的“人”是人的抽象和人的现实的统一。具体表现在人的抽象是人的现实的价值评判尺度和根本方法;人的现实是人的抽象的特殊表现;人的抽象在人的现实发展中生成。马克思关于人的抽象与以往传统人学中抽象的人有着根本的区别,其出发点和归宿点不同。马克思在这个问题上的根本变革在于两者在实践基础上达到了统一。马克思关于人的抽象和人的现实关系的学理层面的意义在于,人学研究要把人学的基础理论和人的现实问题结合起来;实践层面的意义在于,以人为本要实现共性和差异、整合和分解的统一。     

Media and politics in French political science

Abstract. The study of the relationship between media and politics has long been marginal in French political science. The take–off of research has been stimulated by the impact of the Presidential election under the Fifth republic and by the increasing role of television and spin–doctors in this new electoral context. If French studies on political communication converge with international research, they are also characterised by strong peculiarities. The material of case–studies is not campaign–centred, but gives room to various TV programmes, to a wide range of media uses by French politicians. The contribution of historians, the influence of a literary tradition of 'textual' analysis of political speech are important. The publishing of books on this topic also reveals a surprisingly intense participation from spin– doctors, journalists and even politicians. Three main 'schools' are contributing to the dynamics of French research. Linked to the tradition of semiological and literary studies the first one focuses on the study of political discourse in the media. Merging the legacy of English–speaking studies and the French tradition of electoral studies a second one develops an analysis of the campaigning process and of its effects. More recently, a new generation of researchers has widened the object of research to the complex network of relations between politicians, journalists and consultant. Linking successfully the most recent developments or international research and the peculiarities of academic tradition, research on political communication appears as one of the most dynamic areas of French political science.     

Does Inclusion Require Democracy?

Iris Marion Young's theory of democracy aims to accommodate the idea of difference by combining anti-essentialist, identity conferring social groups and mediated socio-economic relations. In this way they are supposed to combine instrumental rationality with inclusiveness and the recognition of difference. Using the political thought of F.A. Hayek, this paper mounts a critique of Young's difference theory. In particular it argues that Young's theory of group representation at the institutional level of politics contradicts her commitment to an anti-essentialist account of groups. Whereas her account of group identity is necessarily fluid and inclusive, her account of recognition is rigid and exclusionary. Furthermore the epistemological demands of democratic communication and economic coordination undermine her instrumental account of public- decision making. In contrast it will be argued that Hayek's political thought provides instructive alternative way of addressing the tensions at the heart of Young's theory.     

On Democracy1

This paper attempts to provide a modern, universal, conceptualisation of democracy. J. D. May's ‘responsive rule’ approach is analysed. It is argued that his approach, although on the right lines, is not satisfactory as it stands. Democracy should be seen as referring to the principles which underlie the political process for a given regime, and is logically independent of the detailed institutional practices. Following Easton's analysis of a regime in terms of authority structure, values, and norms, democracy is analysed in terms of three principles of upward control, political equality, and norms defining acceptable polices. procedures, and behaviour. Democracy is not a dichotomous concept: given regimes differ in the extent to which they embody the principles of democracy in the operation of their institutions. In practice it will be hard, perhaps impossible, to find any regime anywhere which does not embody some elements of democracy to some degree. This vitiates the almost universal practice of using democracy and non-democracy as underlying concepts in a system of categorisation of regimes. Such categories become wholly arbitrary. Because of the subtle ways in which the democratic principles may work in different contexts. and because measures of these various manifestations of democracy can only be combined on a purely arbitrary basis, statistical measures of ‘democracy’ also become arbitrary. It is concluded that, although facets of the political process may be investigated using statistical techniques. ultimately the main thrust of empirical studies of democracy must be qualitative rather than quantitative. Democracy is the theory that the common people know what they want, and deserve to get it good and hard. (H. L. Mencken. Sententiae. A Book of Burlesquer, 1920)     

Measurement and the dynamics of party identification

Recent work has questioned the conclusions of the revisionist model of party identification. One central issue concerns the measurement of party identification. According to the critics, the research showing that partisanship is responsive to other political evaluations is in error because of peculiarities of measurement. I test this assertion by considering the effects that changes in measurement have on estimates of the dynamics of party identification. The results strongly support the original revisionist conclusions. The findings of responsiveness of party identification to evaluations of party issue positions are quite robust in the face of alternative measures of party identification.     

The Context of Priming

The existence of priming (i.e. the fact that the standards people use to make political evaluations shift in response to changes in media coverage of political issues) has become generally accepted. However, most of the evidence for the priming mechanism comes from experiments or analyses of certain specific events. This article presents evidence of priming from a longitudinal study of the Danish population's evaluation of the Danish government. The study consists of 12 measurements over four years from 1999 to 2003. The analysis indicates that priming effects are often moderated by political knowledge, but that the effect changes from case to case. The article shows that both the overall priming effects and the effect of the moderator are contingent on the political context of the priming situation. Important aspects of the moderating context are message intensity, the easiness of the issue, the politicisation of the issue, the assessment of the government's issue responsibility and the timing of the evaluation.     

论"促进型立法"的形成背景

"促进型立法"作为一种新型立法,具有传统立法所不具有的诸多特点.在经济上,它是有限制的混合经济要求经济手段的多元化和经济的可持续发展的产物;政治上,它是国家职能从单纯的调控管理角色向服务促进角色转变的结果;在社会意识上,它是社会与政府平衡互动意识的兴起、特别是公众广泛参与政治经济生活的结果;立法模式上,传统立法模式的演进要求新型立法凸显法律的引导与促进功能.     

Quasi-experiments and environmental policy

This paper suggests applying experimental and quasi-experimental approaches to the study of environmental problems. Some important issues in quasi-experimentation are outlined and strategies appropriate for research on collective goods highlighted. Studies both of the demand for various underpriced goods and of programs for changing usage of a collective good are suggested. Questions of causality are treated in some detail. The logic of a new quasi-experimental design, the event-causing design, is presented and compared with that of the interrupted time-series design. Problems of site selection are discussed in terms of the types of projects for which random assignment of sites might be possible. New combinations of experimental and analytical techniques are suggested for improving the quality of research on environmental problems.     

Preemptive and reactive spending in U.S. House races

This paper examines the spending behavior of candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives. Particular attention is paid to the timing of receipts and expenditures over the complete 2-year election cycle. Incumbents raise and spend large amounts of money very early in the race, and this preemptive spending may have a great impact on the selection of challengers and therefore on electoral outcomes. In addition, a model of reactive spending is tested for the general election period. Incumbents' expenditures are a function of the underlying partisan division in the district, the strength of the challenge, and candidates' feelings of vulnerability. Incumbents are strategic actors who attempt to maximize their chances of reelection. Early in the term, they spend preemptively in an effort to influence the selection of their challengers. Later in the term, they spend in reaction to the strength of their challengers' campaign. The role of money in congressional campaigns is neither simple nor direct. More attention needs to be given to the strategic uses of money in the period leading up to the general election campaign as well as to the dynamics of receipts and expenditures over an entire election cycle.     

Medicare patients: geographic differences in hospital discharge rates and multiple stays.

Marked regional variations are found in patterns of use of short-stay hospitals by Medicare patients. Variations found in the rate of hospitalization, as measured by the number of discharges per 1,000 enrollees, and on the upward trend in that rate are the focus here. The data indicate that reductions in length of stay are offset by the rising number of admissions. An examination of multiple stays--a major factor in the number of discharges--shows that States with high rates of discharges have high percentages of patients with multiple stays. Furthermore, in these States the percentage of multiple stays is high, no matter what the diagnosis. In other States, the rate is low for all diagnoses. These findings suggest that options exist for the provision of care for the same or similar conditions and that geographic patterns appear in the use of those options. An urgent need exists for research to establish the variables affecting utilization and to explore ways of changing some of the patterns of delivering services.     

End of Big Government: Is It Happening in the Nordic Countries?

This paper offers a discussion on how to assess government in the Nordic countries. It shows that an answer to the question of whether big government is ending in the Nordic countries depends on how the words ‘big’ and ‘government’ are defined. ‘Bigness’ can be defined in terms of size or largeness (i.e., number of employees, relative costs, and spheres of involvement). It can also be defined in terms of its importance in society, which concerns the quality of government service (i.e., output and outcome of governmental effort), representation of the will of the people, and social representation. An understanding of the term government also influences how the question of the end of big government is formulated. Classical definitions focus on the need for government to be in control of its territory and in command of the tasks in its sphere of responsibility. Government ability to control and command are now being challenged by unclear horizontal and vertical separation of powers, regionalization and globalization, decentralization and devolution, and involvement of nongovernmental units in the policy steering process (i.e., governance). The general conclusions offered in the paper are that there are trends toward the end of large-size Nordic government at the central level but not at the other government levels. Government is even becoming larger at the lower levels. Also, the European level is becoming bigger in terms of certain measures of size. A different answer isgiven for government importance. All layers of government still show high levels of efficiency and effectiveness and education levels for civil servants, good reflection of the will of the people as well as improving social representation of women. Social representation is more problematic for other marginalized groups in society. Government control and command is impacted at all levels by the trends mentioned above. Nordic government is more porous, and this is changing the prerequisites for Nordic big government. The results of the study should not be interpreted to mean that the extensive welfare states in the Nordic area are without problems. There are problems with citizen efficacy and public trust.     

New mafia: Black, hispanic and Italian styles

Organized crime is a functional part of the Ameri-can social system and, while successive waves of immigrants and migrants have found it an available means of mobility, it transcends the involvement of any particular group and even changing definitions of legality and illegality in social behavior. Francis A.J. Ianni is professor and director of the Division of Educational Institutions and Programs, director of the Horace Mann-Lincoln Institute and chairman of the department of educational administration. Teachers College of Columbia University.     

Votes for Sale: The Logic of Power in Joint-Stock Companies

The joint-stock company as an institution rests on two major principles. On the one hand, it embodies the logic of collective choice. The ultimate rights to power are vested in a constituency composed of the stockholders. The constituency elects a board which in turn appoints an executive. Decisions are usually taken by majority rule. In these respects, the joint-stock company resembles the democratic polity. On the other hand, it also includes important elements of market exchange. Unlike many other instances in which the logic of collective choice applies, the rights to power can be freely exchanged on a stock market. This paper examines the power implications of this combination of principles using illustrations drawn from the corporate world of Sweden. It argues that although there are similarities between the situation of stockholders and that of voters, the incentives to participate in the exercise of control are rather different. Whereas a model based solely on instrumental rationality is insufficient to explain the participation of voters, it does well in accounting for that of stockholders. Further, the prerequisites of the emergence and maintenance of participatory norms are favorable with respect to voters but unfavorable with regard to stockholders. The paper concludes by considering the implications of the results for the alleged autonomy of managers vis-à-vis the owners and by examining the importance of the exit mechanism as a means of power for minor stockholders.     

BOOK NOTES

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K.N. T oms , Urban Government Politics and Planning: A Study of the Administration of the Brisbane Town Plan
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Commonwealth Council for Educational Administration, (Compiler), Directory of Universities and Other Institutions of Higher Education in the Commonwealth of Nations Offering Qualifications and Courses in Educational Administration
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D.H. B orchardt , (Compiler) with the assistance of J. M onie , Checklist of Royal Commissions, Select Committees of Parliament and Boards of Inquiry: Part IV, New South Wales, 1855–1960     

Hayek's Bizarre Liberalism: A Critique

This paper questions the conventional view of F. A. Hayek as a reviver of 'classical liberalism'. It argues that the foundation of Hayek's doctrine is a naturalist or physicalist conception of man which is at variance with the classic tenets of liberalism. It shows how Hayek's theory of society and of the abstract rules that ought to govern society are partly a continuation and partly a contradiction of his physicalist notion of man. The paper draws particular attention to Hayek's work The Sensory Order and to the sometimes overlooked influence of Ernst Mach on his ideas.     

The Etiology of the Occurrence of En Banc Review in the U.S. Court of Appeals

The U.S. Courts of Appeals, working principally through three-judge panels, constitute important final arbiters of the meaning of the federal constitution, laws, and regulations and, hence, significant policymakers within the federal system. En banc rehearing—reconsideration of the decision of a three-judge panel by the full complement of judges appointed to the circuit—is an institutional device that ensures circuit decisions are in line with the established preferences of the circuit. The use of en banc varies in frequency across circuits and within circuits over time. Drawing on legal, attitudinal, and strategic perspectives of judicial behavior, we develop and test a set of integrated expectations regarding the causes of this variation. Our analysis finds support for the operation of all three models and suggests that the influence of ideology on the use of en banc in the recent era is not unique but part of a long-standing pattern .