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The paper investigates party-union relationships in Italy (1946–2014) by hand-coding parties’ parliamentary speeches and trade unions’ congress motions. In line with the cartel party thesis, a time series analysis shows that the ideological closeness between the left-wing Italian General Confederation of Labour and left-wing parties deteriorated when the Italian Socialist Party (1980) and the heirs of the Italian Communist Party (1998) converged toward the centre of the ideological spectrum. Conversely, the closeness between the Catholic-inspired Italian Confederation of Workers’ Unions and the heirs of Christian Democracy increased after 1994, when the former party’s leftist factions became the major part of the Italian Popular Party.  相似文献   

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Yonca Köksal 《中东研究》2017,53(3):470-485
By comparing the decisions of various meetings of the General Councils of Edirne and Ankara provinces from 1283 to 1288 (1867–1872 AD), this study analyses social and economic dynamics of both provinces, the state vocabulary for handling local demands, and the boundaries of responsibility for the state and the local actors in provincial administration. Instead of reading the Tanzimat as a top-down imposition, this article defines General Councils as sites of negotiations between state and local actors and instruments for local development. This article challenges the conventional view of provincial councils as weak and unable to implement various policies. It contributes to a new generation of studies that challenges the separation between state and social forces and looks at how both interacted in provincial administration.  相似文献   

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Previously unexamined material from two archives of the Greek (Rum) Orthodox community in Jerusalem shed new light on our understanding of the dynamic of an important segment of the city during the transition period between the Ottoman Empire and the British Mandate eras. We use these unexplored records to question communal affiliations, transitions of identity, the impact of modernity as well as notions of sacred space. We offer unique insight regarding the Christian Orthodox denomination in the city by examining its two main sub-communities, Palestinians and Greeks, and exploring the connection between the community and the city. We argue that the proximity to the holy sites bears little impact on private Christian life. We trace the impact of modernity through the change of professions and argue that the most important divide in the community was not between the ethnic groups but between the older and younger generations. Naming patterns (prosopography) disclose other influences of modernity. We contend that a seemingly minor change in naming patterns is indicative of two important processes: the secularization of the community and rising Palestinian nationality.  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(6):914-931
This article tries to shed light on Turco-British relations in the early Cold War era. It focuses on the two states’ cooperation in Middle Eastern defence, as well as their interactions with Egypt and Greece. Immediately after the Second World War, the Soviet Union and communism were accepted as common threats directed against Turkey, Greece, Britain, the entire Western camp and a broad range of Middle Eastern countries. Washington and London were in search of alliances with regional actors; however, due to the anti-Western attitudes of Egypt in particular, and the anti-Israeli attitudes of the Arabic realm in general, the West was not satisfied with the defence system established in the region. In regard to the relations between the four abovementioned states, while Turkey and Britain joined forces against the Egyptian cause in the Suez issue and the Greek cause on the Cyprus issue, Greece and Egypt sided with each other against the British positions.  相似文献   

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The Wadi al-Hawarith (Emek Hefer) affair was considered to be one of the prominent land disputes between Jews and Arabs in Palestine during the British mandate period. The region in which the dispute broke out was found south of Hadera in Emek Hefer.

The purchase of lands of Wadi al-Hawarith, by Jewish bodies, had already started at the end of the nineteenth century and continued for four decades, and during this there were disputes between the Jews and Arabs, which were accompanied by legal hearings.

The Jewish National Fund tried to reach an arrangement by means of compensation for the Bedouin tenants who dwelled on the lands of the valley, in exchange for their willingness to leave the territory. From time to time, the Bedouins agreed to this, but they went back on their agreement.

Despite the effort to reach compensation arrangements with the Bedouins, the Palestinian political leadership was interested in inflaming the opposition of the Bedouins to leaving the land. This is what caused a long string of trials, which continued for many years.  相似文献   


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This article surveys the attitude of the Ottoman-Kurdish intelligentsia and the nascent Kurdish movement towards the issue of nationality in the period between the 1908 Constitutional Revolution and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914. The existing academic literature has tended to regard the Kurdish movement in this period as being primarily cultural and apolitical in orientation. However, while the majority of the Kurdish intellectual and professional classes were committed to the Ottoman polity, their activities were far from apolitical. This is not to suggest that the emergent Kurdish movement was unified. On the contrary, the often varied relationship between the Ottoman polity and different elements of the Kurdish elite resulted in a significant degree of factionalism. However, while some of this elite began to think of the Kurds as an oppressed 'minority' locked inside the Ottoman (read Turkish) 'prison house' of nations, most tended to regard the Kurds as both a distinct people and an integral part of the Ottoman 'nation'.  相似文献   

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This paper analyzes judicial and police behavior in dealing with cases of family violence and divorce in Tajikistan and Azerbaijan. Police and judges deliberately violate existing legal provisions to prevent women from divorcing or filing charges against their husbands in cases of domestic violence. While the law does not recognize religious marriages in Tajikistan, judges often rule to protect women’s living space after the dissolution of such unions. Drawing on rich interview and archival data, this behavior is explained by showing that judicial and police behavior reflects their biases, which in turn are a reflection of majoritarian norms in these countries. Since current laws are derived from Soviet codes, which were never internalized by the population, police and judges bend them to fit their understanding of social justice.  相似文献   

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Several Australian universities have research, publications, subjects, programmes of study, or even Centres focusing on Europe and the European Union (EU), but European and EU studies in Australia have also encountered significant challenges. This article analyses their evolution from 1987 to 2014 and the sometimes discordant EU and Australian policies which have shaped their development. It first examines the origins of European Studies Centres in Australia, as well as links with the European University Institute (EUI) in Florence and the creation of the Contemporary European Studies Association of Australia (CESAA). It then considers specific EU initiatives and funding in the twenty‐first century, such as EU Centres and Jean Monnet Chairs, and the impact they have had on EU studies in Australia. It concludes with reflections about the factors that have encouraged or impeded teaching and research on Europe and the EU in Australia and ways to mitigate them.  相似文献   

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Kadenge and Ndlovu [2012. “Encounters with Panaceas: Reading Flyers and Posters on ‘Traditional’ Healing in and Around Johannesburg's Central Business District.” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 30 (3): 461–482] evaluated flyers and posters that advertise traditional and alternative healing methods which they regard as viable alternatives to biomedicine that may well transmit potent knowledge and facilitate new ways of thinking. They furthermore view these flyers and posters as a demonstration of the advertisers’ ‘adaptability’ and ‘sensitivity’ towards their customers (480–481). This article is a rebuttal of the aforementioned position towards, and judgement of these advertisers. Reading these flyers and posters from a misleading advertising and Kantian perspective reveals not a demonstration of adaptability, but rather dishonesty and exploitation; rather than transmitting ancient knowledge, they reinforce superstition and fear. These advertisements, often misleadingly clad as African, do not facilitate new ways of thinking, but merely facilitate deception.  相似文献   

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The article analyses the material strategies of dissent through two transtextual bookworks, Cecilia Vicuña's Sabor a mi (Vicuña, 1973) and Felipe Ehrenberg's Pussywillow (1973) produced at the Beau Geste Press radical collective. Contesting Pinochet's coup in Chile, they resorted to visibly undisciplined responses to ‘the New Disorder now in power’. Experimenting with embodied poetics based on the page as a site of resistance, on textual construction predicated on relational impetus, they exploited litter and impoverished materials. Heterodox aesthetics at the BGP personified equivocal gender imagery. Word objects and body contours transmogrified to bring to the surface the interpenetrated textures of perception, identity and language.  相似文献   

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