Reflections on Stein Rokkan's Conceptual Map of Europe*

Among the leading scholars studying nation-building and national development Stein Rokkan (1921–1979) has had an unique position because of his ability to combine different approaches, to focus on both the general and the unique, and to use both quantitative measurement and qualitative data. Among his most enduring and original contributions is his conceptual map of Europe. It is an elaborate but in principle open typology or system of classification accounting for the main principles of geopolitical differentiation in Western Europe. Despite its theoretical character it clearly shows the spatial order and structure in the development of national states in Europe. This paper analyses both the content of the main dimensions in Rokkan's conceptual map and its nature as a heuristic frame of reference and large-scale research program. References are made to the recent ethnic revival which seems to be hard to explain and understand without considering many distinctions and concepts presented in Rokkan's conceptual map.     

欧洲议会党团:一种特殊的政党组织

新世纪以来,为研究“共产党的执政规律”,有关政党问题的论著相继问世,其中不少论著涉及西欧政党问题。但能够既系统又简要且具学术性地反映出政党发源地——西欧国家冷战后政党基本状况的论著并不多见。本组笔谈力图达到这个目的。     

Social Citizenship of Young People in Europe: A Comparative Institutional Analysis*

This article explains the diversity of young people’s access to social welfare by distinguishing between two models of social citizenship in a comparative analysis of 15 Western European countries. On the one hand, social citizenship can be familialized, when young people are considered as children and therefore do not receive state benefits in their own name. This form of citizenship is found in Bismarckian welfare states, based on the principle of subsidiarity. On the other hand, it can be individualized, in which case young people can be entitled to benefits in their own right, insofar as they are considered as adults. This form of social citizenship is found more in Beveridgean welfare states.     

Conditions of far-right strength in contemporary Western Europe: an application of Kitschelt's theory*

Abstract.   Applying the demand-side claims of Kitschelt's theory, and the expectation that electoral systems affect voter choice, this article provides an explanation of cross-national variation in support for new radical right (NRR) parties between 1982 and 1995. After discussing concepts and measures, two versions of qualitative comparative analysis (Boolean analysis and fuzzy-set analysis) are applied to data for ten West European countries. The results suggest that, in combination with electoral systems that had larger district magnitudes, NRR strength resulted from a restructuring of the space of party competition due to post-industrialism and growth in the welfare state. Convergence between major parties of the left and right was not among the combination of conditions that led to NRR success. Apart from demonstrating that fuzzy-set analysis can yield a simpler explanation than Boolean analysis, this study reveals anomalous NRR outcomes for Austria, Belgium and France.     

Assessing the Effects of Immigration and Diversity in Europe: Introduction to the Special Issue

This article introduces the special issue on “Assessing the Effects of Immigration and Diversity in Europe” to the JEPOP readers. The article starts with a summary of the controversy generated by Putnam's 2007 article “E pluribus unum”. Next, it provides a brief account of the state of the art in the scholarship analysing the link between diversity, trust, social capital and social cohesion. The article continues with a discussion of a number of key problems that affect the existing scholarship, and highlights how the contributions to this special issue overcome some of these limitations. After this, the article considers the implications of this debate for the study of elections and public opinion. It concludes with a succinct overview of the contributions to the special issue and a discussion of how they help move forward the scholarship in this area.     

公益性社会组织的法律定位思考

以公益、互益二元分类方法逐渐取代公益、私益二元分类方法成为当前社会组织分类的重要标准,各国立法对公益、公益性、公益事业等概念的界定为公益性社会组织法律地位的确立奠定了必要基础.公益性社会组织的服务对象应为不特定多数人,活动领域具有广泛性和灵活性,活动效果应具有正效应,服务方式应包括无偿和有偿两种情形.公益性社会组织在组织目的、开放程度、资产处置、自治程度和变动路径等方面均不同于互益性社会组织,同时,与慈善组织、公益信托也迥然有别.     

The Future of Conservatism*

British Conservatism embodies certain basic, though not always compatible, tenets of belief. They have underpinned the Conservative Party, which has been the most successful political party in the history of western Europe. The party was the ‘in’ party in British politics in the 20th Century; the reasons for that success shifted in the 21st century to it principal opponent party. Attempts by Conservative leaders in the first two parliaments of opposition constituted quick‐fix and ultimately doomed approaches to restoring electoral dominance. The party under David Cameron has shifted to a long‐term, grounded approach, learning the lessons of earlier periods of opposition. Though the process remains incomplete, the Conservative Party is placed for the first time in the 21st century to return to being a party of governance.     

社会主义初级阶段的历史定位

资本主义生产力的发展、生产社会化的扩大要求社会主义 ,资本主义生产力发展受到阻碍、生产社会化不能进展也要求社会主义。社会主义初级阶段是落后国家发展社会生产力的必然要求。社会主义初级阶段的理论和实践进一步丰富了马克思主义的历史发展图式     

The Moralization of the Markets in Europe

Nothing effects modern society more than the decisions made in the market place, especially (but not only) the judgments of consumers. The designation of market relations in modern societies as the “moralization of the markets” represents a novel stage in the social evolution of markets. Market theories still widely in use today emerged in a society that no longer exists. Today, growing affluence, greater knowledge, and hi-speed communication among consumers builds into the marketplace notions of fairness, solidarity, environment, health, and political considerations imbued with a long-term perspective that can disrupt short-term pursuits of the best buy. Importantly, such social goals, individual apprehensions, and models of consumer conduct become inscribed in products and services offered in the marketplace, as well as in the rules and regulations that govern market relations.

The Presidential Election of 2008*

Senators Barack Obama and John McCain each has severe problems. McCain must take his distance from the very unpopular President Bush while keeping the support of the core Republican voters, but suffers from lack of rapport with the Fundamentalist Protestants and traditionalist Catholics. In foreign policy, he is more devoted to US global hegemony (in a world which stubbornly refuses it) than the incumbent. Senator Obama knows that this is a dangerous illusion but thinks that it is unwise to say so. He supports Israel in exaggerated terms and repeats the fabrications of the war party about Iran. Obama has the difficulty of being part black and entirely intellectual, and he needs the votes of the working class men and women who are very reserved about him. McCain seeks low taxes and less government expenditure and intervention, but tens of millions of economically hard‐pressed citizens are ready to return to the ethos and practices of the New Deal. Obama promises to revive the regulatory and redistributive role of government to help them, but his reluctance to criticise the arms budget may makes him seem unrealistic. Obama's vision of the United States puts the achievement of the American Revolution in the future whereas McCain thinks of the nation as already perfected. In many respects, we have a classical conflict between left and right.