EU FTA negotiations with India: The question of liberalisation of public procurement

The proposed bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) between India and the European Union has thrown up many contentious issues among which public procurement is an important one. While India is reluctant to include public procurement in FTA, the European Union (EU) has been insisting that FTA without liberalisation of public procurement is not on the negotiating table. What makes India particularly attractive to the EU is not only the size of its public procurement market but also its rapidly growing economy and demand for infrastructure which presents EU firms with an opportunity to gain market access into this sector under the FTA setting. The EU is insisting on national treatment and non-discrimination as also transparency in Indian procurement system. Indian companies aspire to crack open public procurement market in the EU by entering it through the services sector. However, they are finding EU procedures for ‘data adequacy’ and policies relating to work visa difficult. India’s reluctance to negotiate government procurement under the FTA framework is also attributed partly to administrative costs required for making changes to existing framework and for establishing institutions to implement bilateral obligations. Though several deadlines have been missed, an agreement that could bring mutual benefit for both the EU and India is not out of reach.     

Congruence-building on multiple fronts: Indian elite perceptions of EU rule promotion in India during the EU-India FTA negotiations (2007–2013)

Asia Europe Journal - How does the European Union export its rules and regulations to its partners during free trade negotiations? While the research fields on EU foreign policy promotion abroad...     

中国—东盟自由贸易区的建立：背景、意义与未来

2001年11月在文莱举行的第五届东盟、中国"10+1"会议上,中国与东盟正式决定在10年内建立中国-东盟自由贸易区.按照双方所达成的协议,建立该自由贸易区的过渡期为10年,除了相互之间取消关税外,还将会把农业、信息通讯、人力资源开发、相互投资和湄公河开发作为近期合作的重点领域;为支持东盟缩小内部发展差距,中方将适时向东盟中的三个最不发达成员--老挝、柬埔寨和缅甸提供特殊优惠关税待遇.这是东亚地区区域经济合作方面取得的一项重大进展,将对东亚地区经济贸易合作的全面展开产生深刻的影响.     

东盟新成员与中国东盟自由贸易区：市场准入与激烈竞争

中国东盟领导人所倡议的自由贸易区已引起巨大反响,其所带来的机会与挑战为学术界广泛关注,本文主要针对柬、老、缅、越四个东盟新成员所具有的潜力和机会,在自贸区内或在第三方市场竞争中将可能遇到挑战和阻力等问题进行探讨。     

中国—东盟自由贸易区与人民币国际化

随着建立中国-东盟自由贸易区工作的正式启动,如何选择与之相适应的金融服务模式提上了议事日程.本文提出了在建立自由贸易区.的过程中在区内逐步推进人民币的国际化,通过两者的有机结合,为贸易与相互投资提供良好的金融服务,使自由贸易区内各国避免汇率风险、优化资源配置、提高区内各国对外竞争力,同时为人民币最终走向世界,成为国际化货币打下基础,实现中国和东盟各国"多赢"的观点;并就此观点进行论证、设计模式、提出相应措施.     

中日韩FTA对产业的影响分析

随着中、日、韩贸易投资合作日益密切,区域内贸易和产业内贸易不断增加,三国关于建立自由贸易区的讨论日益激烈。分析比较三国产业竞争力,可以看到我国的整体产业竞争力与韩日相差较大,处于三国垂直型产业内贸易分工结构的低端。在这一背景下缔结三国FTA,我国的主要产业和相关企业短期内会受到一定冲击,但长远看可以促进我国产业结构升级,提高产业竞争力。为对应中日韩FTA,我国政府应改善产业环境,放宽市场限制,建立公正公平的市场机制。企业需要适应贸易投资环境的变化,从技术创新、产品差异化和管理与营销等方面加强与竞争对手的抗衡能力。     

区域经济一体化与中国-东盟自由贸易区的建设

本文试从区域经济一体化的角度,对中国-东盟自由贸易区的启动、目的及实施进行分析,最终得出建立中国-东盟自由贸易区不仅能加强双方经济合作关系,迎接区域化的挑战,促进东亚一体化进程,而且有助于提高双方的国际地位,其意义重大.     

双边与多边：东盟与欧盟区域间关系的演变

本文将基于东盟与欧盟区域间的合作,分析和讨论东盟与欧盟间关系的演变,试图从理论上来解释东盟与欧盟如何通过双边和多边共存的区域间合作模式对国际治理结构起到作用,以及区域间合作所形成的组织机构如何行使国际组织的一部分责任或成为跨区域政策的一个重要补充。     

从与东盟建立自由贸易区透视中国的新安全观

中国与东盟建立自由贸易区不仅有利于彼此的经济建设 ,而且有利于彼此的安全建设。自由贸易区的建设充分体现了中国“互信、互利、平等、协作”8字核心的新安全观。彼此的互信是实现共同安全的重要保障 ;互利是建设自由贸易区的基本动力 ;平等是经济合作与交流和国际政治民主化的基本要求 ;协作是实现国际安全的重要手段和途径。自由贸易区的建设是以经济合作与互信推动政治合作与互信 ,是中国构建长期稳定的周边安全的重要举措。     

Comparing regional organisations in global multilateral institutions: ASEAN, the EU and the UN

Structural change brought about by the end of the Cold War and accelerated globalisation have transformed the global environment. A global governance complex is emerging, characterised by an ever-greater functional and regulatory role for multilateral organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and its associated agencies. The evolving global governance framework has created opportunities for regional organisations to participate as actors within the UN (and other multilateral institutions). This article compares the European Union (EU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as actors within the UN network. It begins by extrapolating framework conditions for the emergence of EU and ASEAN actorness from the literature. The core argument of this article is that EU and ASEAN actorness is evolving in two succinct stages: Changes in the global environment create opportunities for the participation of regional organisations in global governance institutions, exposing representation and cohesion problems at the regional level. In response, ASEAN and the EU have initiated processes of institutional adaptation.     

中国-东盟自由贸易区：基于东盟经济共同体蓝图的战略构想

随着东盟宪章及经济共同体蓝图的实施以及中国-东盟自由贸易区建成和运行,中国-东盟经贸合作关系踏上新台阶。其进一步发展有赖于中国-东盟经济一体化进程的战略引导。基于区域经济一体化演进趋势,提出了中国一东盟经济一体化战略框架。其基本思路是在合作方向与发展目标指引下,采取多样化的合作方式,多路径展开全面合作,构建一系列战略支撑,最终推动中国与东盟建成关税同盟乃至共同市场。     

试论印度与东盟关系

2004年11月,在老挝首都万象举行的第三次印度-东盟峰会上,印度总理曼莫汉·辛格与东盟领导人共同签署了<和平、进步与共同繁荣伙伴关系协定>.     

Domestic politics,regional integration,and human rights: interactions among Myanmar,ASEAN, and EU

This paper tries to explain the evolving relations between the recent domestic political changes in Myanmar and the role of regional integration as they affect human rights in Myanmar. I posit that the two most important causes of the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar are the survival of the authoritarian regime and ethnic-religious conflicts. Those causes differ in nature and their political interactions with the ASEAN regional integration. This paper first examines the relationship between authoritarian regime survival and the humanitarian crisis/efforts during the 2008 natural disaster of cyclone Nargis and the resultant flooding. Second, I investigate the political dynamics of the human rights violations of ethnic and religious minorities, especially the Rohingya Muslim minority in the Rakhine State, during Myanmar’s recent democratic transition. This study approaches the aforementioned questions from both the EU and ASEAN perspectives and also deals with these two regional organizations’ interactions regarding Myanmar’s human rights.     

中国——东盟自由贸易区的建构和我们面临的机遇与挑战

2001年11月6日,在文莱首都斯里巴加湾举行的第五次东盟与中国领导人会议上,国务院总理朱镕基同东盟10国领导人就在今后10年内建成中国-东盟自由贸易区达成一致意见.这是双方领导人高瞻远瞩做出的重大决策,也是中国第一次承诺与他国,而且是一个包括10个国家的区域性组织的自由贸易安排,堪称中国与东盟关系史上的一个里程碑,为中国与东盟的经济合作开辟了新的局面,也是亚洲尤其是东亚经济合作中取得的重大进展,无论对中国,对东盟,还是对亚洲尤其是对东亚经济合作与国际关系的发展,都将产生重大的影响,具有深远的意义.目前,双边谈判已经开始,形势鼓舞人心.     

21世纪前半叶东亚合作的发展方向——建立中日韩—东盟自由贸易区

当代世界经济全球化和区域经济一体化并行发展,其先导就是贸易的自由化.相对更高的经济一体化阶段来说,建立自由贸易区的难度较小.本文通过对建立中日韩-东盟自由贸易区的原因分析,以及对东亚合作的起源及进程的关注,预计在本世纪前半叶,东亚地区能够建立中日韩-东盟自由贸易区,并就未来的具体做法提出建议.     

The evolution,substance and priorities of EU and ASEAN co-operation in science and technology

This article discusses the evolution and substance of co-operation in Science and Technology (S&T) between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It will attempt to shed light on the under-researched topic of the role of European technology in the modernisation of Southeast Asia during the last three decades, by examining the methods by which the two supranational entities are attempting to enhance such co-operation. EU-ASEAN collaboration in S&T has experienced a steady, albeit modest, growth during the last few years. The EU is shown to be committed to sustainable development and humanitarian principles (e.g. alleviation of poverty), although this is seriously constrained by economic considerations. By contrast, ASEAN is more concerned with the economic and political benefits to be gained from such collaboration, as shown by the adoption of an export-orientated high technology policy and the rapid economic growth of the region. This paper draws from the project A Study of ASEAN and EU Innovation Policies and Interregional Co-operation in Science and Technology, supported by the South East Asian Committee of the British Academy. This financial support is gratefully acknowledged.Senior Research Fellow and Head of the European Regional Studies Unit at the Centre for European Studies, University of the West of England, Bristol, UK. He is also Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.     

韩国-东盟服务贸易的发展与自由化

2007年11月，韩国与东盟正式签署了《韩国-东盟全面经济合作构架下服务贸易协议》，这是继《中国-东盟服务贸易协议》之后东盟签署的第二份服务贸易协议。本文拟论述韩国与东盟国家服务贸易的发展水平和国际竞争力的特点，并分析韩国与东盟区域服务贸易自由化的特点和前景。     

Another nation-building bloc? Integrating nationalist ideology into the EU and ASEAN

The article examines the compatibility of nationalist ideology and regional integration within the European Union (EU) and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). In exploring nationalist ideology as a third alternative to functional and identity-based approaches to regional integration, it contributes to debates on the necessity and desirability of a common supranational identity. Despite a hitherto largely transaction-based approach to integration, political elites in South-East Asia have expressed support for ‘ASEAN awareness’ or ‘cognitive regionalism’ in the hope of increasing the organisation’s social cohesion and solidarity. These constructs seek to supplement political and economic co-operation with a sense of imagined (regional) community, despite the lack of strong supranational institutions within ASEAN. Their aim is thus to replicate a quasi-national construct at the regional level, something which has met with relatively little resonance within EU member states. The similarities between government attempts to foster a sense of regional belonging and nation-building principles, let alone their interplay, have yet to be fully explored in the South-East Asian context. The article tackles the question of whether EU and ASEAN member states can learn from each other in developing approaches to regionalisation.     

文化认同建构在欧盟一体化进程中的作用及其对东盟的启示

从成立于20世纪50年代的欧洲煤钢共同体发展到今天,欧盟一体化程度走在世界各区域一体化的前列,其推进的深度和广度令世人瞩目。文化认同建构在欧盟一体化进程中发挥着重要作用。他山之石可以攻玉,欧盟文化一体化进程对正在建设中的东盟有着重要的借鉴和启示意义。