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1.
Several Australian universities have research, publications, subjects, programmes of study, or even Centres focusing on Europe and the European Union (EU), but European and EU studies in Australia have also encountered significant challenges. This article analyses their evolution from 1987 to 2014 and the sometimes discordant EU and Australian policies which have shaped their development. It first examines the origins of European Studies Centres in Australia, as well as links with the European University Institute (EUI) in Florence and the creation of the Contemporary European Studies Association of Australia (CESAA). It then considers specific EU initiatives and funding in the twenty‐first century, such as EU Centres and Jean Monnet Chairs, and the impact they have had on EU studies in Australia. It concludes with reflections about the factors that have encouraged or impeded teaching and research on Europe and the EU in Australia and ways to mitigate them.  相似文献   

2.
Pour les petits Etats européens, comme la Suisse, qui avaient réussi à concilier stabilité politique et flexibilité économique, les années 90 marquent un tournant important par l'ampleur des mesures de libéralisation réalisées ou en cours. L'"ajustement" à l'évolution de l'environnement international ne se limite plus aux secteurs déjà soumis à la concurrence internationale mais touche l'ensemble de l'économie: agriculture, entreprises publiques, marchés publics, marché du travail, réglementation de la main d'oeuvre étrangère ou encore promotion de la concurrence sur le marché intérieur. Alors que l'ancienne législation sur les cartels se caractérisait par sa permissivité et sa faible portée, la nouvelle loi s'apparente dans ses grandes lignes au droit européen de la concurrence. Après une présentation des particularités de l'ancienne loi, le texte analyse le processus de révision: les impulsions internes et externes, le rôle des acteurs impliqués et les coalitions qui ont permis l'aboutissement de cette révision. Pour terminer, nous revenons sur quelques considérations théoriques plus générales.  相似文献   

3.
The impact of crisis in Ukraine on EU–Russia relations appears twofold. On the one hand, it revealed the high degree of disdain all across Europe to Moscow's neo-imperial approach. On the other hand, it unveiled a great deal of affection and sympathy to Kremlin's policy among a number of non-mainstream but significant groups within the EU. In this article, we mirror the major troubles of today’s Europe, as seen from Moscow’s perspective, with four nodal points of the Kremlin’s hegemonic discourse: social conservatism, nation state-based policies, independence from the US influence and the glorification of Russia’s self-inflicted mission of fighting contemporary neo-fascism. Our analysis of non-mainstream political parties in EU member states, sensitive and responsive to the Kremlin’s agenda, suggests that Putin's regime and Russia sympathizers in Europe pragmatically use each other, thereby challenging the classical ideological paradigms. This translates Russia’s policies into a trans-ideological repertoire of different discourses that differently resonate among the groups of Russia sympathizers.  相似文献   

4.
During the late 2000s, Early Child Education and Care (ECEC) became a policy priority for several Latin American countries. Coherent with international ideas yet against the legacy of deep‐seated segmentation, the new programs embraced universalist aims. Are countries able to achieve universalism? Why are some countries advancing more than others? This article addresses this question, exploring changes in the policy architectures and policy processes behind ECEC in Costa Rica and Uruguay—two regional leaders in these efforts. Based on document analysis and interviews with policymakers, we show that Uruguay advanced more decisively towards unification and explore why.  相似文献   

5.
This article explores how European integration is contested between political parties in debates of the German Bundestag. Distinguishing between ‘domestic’ debates about the conduct of EU policy-making by the German government and ‘supranational’ debates about the institutions and policies of the European Union, the article asks for thematic objects and patterns of polarisation between parties within these debates. Presenting empirical evidence from the manual coding of 23 plenary debates during the second ‘Grand Coalition’ government, it is shown that the polarisation between parliamentary parties differs greatly at both levels of discussion. Whereas the antagonism between government and opposition appears to determine the polarisation of parties in ‘domestic’ debates, more ambiguous and atypical position patterns emerge on behalf of supranational issues. Therefore, the article suggests that a differentiation of various levels of debate is helpful in capturing the polarisation of political parties over the issue of European integration.  相似文献   

6.
Why do international comparisons have an impact on some countries while other countries do not respond? This article examines the power of international ratings and rankings (R&R) using the OECD's PISA study and its differential impact on education policymaking as a case study. It argues that international R&R have an impact when two conditions are simultaneously fulfilled: the evaluated topic is framed as crucial in the national discourse, and a substantial gap between national self-perception and the empirical results can be observed. After assessing the media impact of PISA on 21 OECD countries, the theoretical argument is illustrated by an evaluation of the differing reactions of two similarly poorly performing countries: Germany and the US. While the German system of secondary education was strongly affected by the international comparison, beginning with the first PISA study in 2000, and underwent comprehensive changes, the US first responded noticeably in the public and the political discourse only in 2010 to its below-average ranking.  相似文献   

7.
Is it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideological, and bureaucratic) to determine their relative weights between 1946 and 2008. The study includes 4,900 votes, the tabulation of 1,500 ministers according to their ideological persuasion, all annual trade entries, and an assessment of the political strength of presidents, cabinets, and parties per year. The findings show that while Argentina's voting behavior has been determined mostly by domestic factors and Mexico's by realist systemic ones, Brazil's has a more complex blend of determinants, but also with a prevalence of realist systemic variables.  相似文献   

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