首脑出访与中国外交

本文通过系统考察从新中国成立到2006年的中国首脑出访活动,揭示了中国外交在不同历史阶段的重心和特点,并进而探讨了首脑出访在中国总体外交中的地位和作用,及其反映出的中国外交风格。首脑出访的增加,既是中国走向世界的一个体现,也是当今全球化形势的客观要求。首脑的高频率出访,反映了首脑外交在中国总体外交中地位的上升,以及与相关国家关系的状况,首脑出访的议题和作用的变化,体现了当今中国外交乃至国际政治的发展趋势。     

解放军导弹驱逐舰与“皇家方舟”号并肩——搜救大西洋 “中英友谊-2007”：人民海军首次与外军航母联合演习现场

远航万里出访欧洲四国2007年7月24日上午10时30分,美丽的三亚某军港彩旗飘扬,鼓乐喧天。由"广州"号导弹驱逐舰、"微山湖"号综合补给舰组成的我人民海军出访舰艇编队,肩负着祖国和人民的重托,解缆起航,踏上出访欧洲四国的     

出访巴印泰三国,首度印度洋大演兵 人民海军舰艇编队远航印度洋 本刊特约记者来自现场的独家报道

☆起航 2005年11月8日的湛江港风轻云淡,军乐嘹亮。下午3时,由“深圳”号导弹驱逐舰、“微山湖”号综合补给舰组成的海军出访舰艇编队,在送行官兵的挥手致意中,载着祖国和人民的重托解缆起航,开始了出访巴基斯坦、印度、泰国的航程。这次出访的“深圳”号导弹驱逐舰,曾     

周边风云

马英九"出访"次次不顺据台湾《联合晚报》报道,从去年8月至今马英九三次"出访",次次有惊奇:其一,去年访问多米尼加时遇到台风。其二,今年5月出访伯利兹,半夜遭逢该国十多年罕见强震;访问危地马拉     

一次跨越万水千山的远行——中共中央政治局委员、全国人大常委会副委员长王兆国访问古巴、墨西哥纪行

应古巴共产党、墨西哥国家行动党的邀请,中共中央政治局委员、全国人大常委会副委员长王兆国于2007年11月11-17日对古巴、墨西哥进行了友好访问.中联部副部长陈凤翔、全国人大常委会副秘书长曹卫洲陪同出访.此次访问,是十七大后中国首次对拉美国家主动采取的高层外交行动.     

友谊跨越大洋--中共中央政治局常委罗干访问拉美三国纪行

应阿根廷政府和正义党、乌拉圭政府和广泛阵线、古巴共产党的邀请,中共中央政治局常委罗干2005年12月10日至25日对上述三国进行了正式友好访问.中联部部长王家瑞、中央政法委秘书长王胜俊、中联部副部长马文普、公安部副部长张新枫、司法部副部长段正坤等陪同出访.     

美国"大中东民主计划"透视

2004年2月初,布什首次提出"大中东民主计划"草案,切尼、鲍威尔、赖斯等政府高官也极力为之造势.3月上旬,美副国务卿格罗斯曼出访中东和欧盟,推广该计划并试探各方反应,但中东和欧盟有关方面对该计划微词颇多.     

感悟春意—中共中央政治局常委李长春出访亚太四国纪行

2009年3月20日至4月7日,应澳大利亚、缅甸、日本和韩国政府的邀请,中共中央政治局常委李长春对上述四国进行了友好访问。中联部部长王家瑞、中宣部常务副部长雒树刚、中央外宣办主任王晨、文化部部长蔡武、广电总局局长王太华、新闻出版总署署长柳斌杰等陪同出访。这次访问是“两会”后我党领导人首次出访,     

中共中央政治局委员、全国人大常委会副委员长王兆国出访古巴、墨西哥(2007年11月11—17日)

企麒嵘抽中共中央政治局委员、全国人大常委会副委员长王兆国出访古巴、墨西哥(2007年11月11—17日)~~     

马克思故居话沧桑

我在我国驻联邦德国使馆工作的将近五年的时间里,每年总有3-5次去参观马克思故居.多数情况是陪同我国出访的代表团同志们去的,早晨从波恩开车出发,沿着莱茵河到两河交汇口的德意志之角,然后一直向西南,沿着摩泽尔河到达马克思故乡特里尔.     

中国的改革开放与中美关系

1978年11月,中国共产党第十一届三中全会划时代地决定中国将以经济建设为中心,实行改革开放.随后,于1979年初,中美两国正式建立了外交关系.这不是偶然的巧合,而是缘于中国改革开放政策与中美关系发展之间的必然联系.     

Trends in Transnational Terrorism and Implications for U.S. National Security and U.S. Terrorism Risk Insurance Act

The unprecedented losses brought about by the attacks of 11 September 2001 have cast the issue of terrorism risk insurance into sharp relief. In particular, it has raised questions as to whether attacks on this scale are an insurable risk and the extent to which the private insurance industry is able and/or willing to price such risks independent of a Federal safety net. Although the Bush administration has committed to renew the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act (TRIA) to offset the human and materiel costs that might result from future cataclysmic terrorist strikes taking place on U.S. soil, it is not apparent that this legislative framework is relevant to the type of extremist contingencies that the United States is likely to face over the short-to-medium term. Any long-term solution to providing insurance in America will necessarily need to go beyond TRIA's existing framework by dropping the “foreign interest” designation for certified attacks; including some sort of supplemental program that includes mandatory coverage for chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) assaults; and investigating ways to increase the take-up rates of terrorism insurance by lowering its cost to the customer. An oversight board mandated to evaluate the Act's performance and relevance to evolving terrorist trends would also be useful.     

Semi-Proxy Wars and U.S. Counterterrorism Strategy

On 4 February 2014, Al Qaeda leaders in Pakistan (aka Al Qaeda Central) repudiated Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of Al Qaeda in Iraq. Ayman al-Zawahiri declared that al-Baghdadi and his newly formed Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) were no longer part of Al Qaeda's organization and Al Qaeda Central could not be held responsible for ISIL's behavior. It represents the first time that Al Qaeda Central has renounced an affiliate publicly. The announcement was driven by months of fighting between ISIL and Jabhat al-Nusra, another Al Qaeda affiliate in Syria. In fact, in Syria, Al Qaeda fighters are competing against each other for influence, as well as against other opposition groups, the Syrian regime, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Iraqi militiamen, and Lebanese Hezbollah. This chaotic, semi-proxy war is unlike any previous problem encountered, made even more challenging by the limited U.S. presence on-the-ground. More worrisome, this semi-proxy war also has spread beyond Syria. Similar dynamics have emerged in Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon to a certain extent. This article argues that these dynamics necessitate a twist in U.S. counterterrorism strategy.     

Terrorism and the U.S. energy infrastructure

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