The 2009 Landtag Election in Saxony

The Landtag election in Saxony was one of three elections for state parliaments, all taking place on 30 August 2009. Out of the three, it was the one where there was little doubt that the CDU would, once again, appoint the next Prime Minister. Aside from the lack of surprise in the election outcome, this election had some historic moments. After the right-wing NPD was able to re-enter the Saxon Landtag, Saxony is the only German state parliament with six party parliamentary groups present. Further, turnout at this election was 52 per cent, an all-time low. The election ended Saxony's grand coalition and established its first CDU–FDP coalition. Within two weeks after the election, the new coalition contract was negotiated and the new government was sworn in so as to present a clear signal to national voters that a black and yellow coalition was a good and workable alternative to the grand coalition in the German Bundestag as well.     

艾森豪威尔政府的对华禁运政策

艾森豪威尔政府时期,美国对华政策为全面遏制思想所主导,因此,在欧洲盟国废除“巴统”管制体系中的“中国差别”的情况下,美国依然单独坚持对华禁运政策。     

Agrarian conditions in Luzon prior to martial law

Abstract

One hot day in May 1970, I sat with several villagers on a dusty road in the village (barrio) of San Ricardo in Central Luzon. The peasants had been describing how arduous life was and how difficult it was to do anything politically to improve the situation. Then one peasant who was a member of the MASAKA, a local peasant union, said “You know, we in the MASAKA wouldn't be totally surprised if martial law were declared in order to wipe out groups like ours who are seeking justice for people.” This was a prophetic statment indeed—said over two years before martial law in fact was declared. In order to understand better the statement and those who believed it, one must understand some major aspects of rural conditions in Luzon since World War II.     

Narrating a Global Crisis from Guayaquil in Real Time: Early Literary Responses to the COVID-19 Outbreak in Latin America

This article identifies and provides initial insight into the early literary responses to the COVID-19 outbreak in Latin America. It focuses on the case of Guayaquil, the epicentre of the pandemic in Ecuador, to examine how writers responded to the health emergency in real time by using online platforms. I argue that, while the virus was spreading, the death toll was rising, and the lockdown was at its most severe, a body of writing deeply engaged with the crisis was taking shape in digital outlets. Its study enables a uniquely contextual understanding of the global crisis from a Latin American perspective.     

The Future of Eritrea

The fate of Eritrea was left open in the 4-Power talk in Paris,and this articles may help to explain the reasons. It is anabridgement of a lecture at a meeting with the Royal EmpireSociety of the 29th May. Brigadier Longrigg was Administratorbetween 1942–4, and he has written a History of Eritrea,which was reviewed in our last number.     

‘To Recognise,or not to Recognise’: Macmillan’s Yemen Arab Republic question

The Macmillan government's dilemma over whether to grant diplomatic recognition to the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) following a coup in 1962 was finely balanced. Hitherto, though, the literature on this specific issue has neither reflected the complexity of issues with which the British government was confronted nor offered a satisfactory explanation of its ultimate non-recognition of the YAR. Some scholars suggest that London was immediately and consistently opposed to granting recognition; others attribute the decision to fear of Nasserism and a determination to maintain Britain's colonial interests in the Persian Gulf. This article contends differently. Drawing upon newly declassified information it first reveals in fuller detail the array of issues and interests that the Macmillan government was confronted by and sought to balance. It then proceeds to demonstrate that the Macmillan government was not unwaveringly against according recognition to the YAR and that whilst important, the influence of the Aden Group and its sympathisers in government was not decisive. Instead, irresolution within the government resulted in an event-driven policy that arrived ultimately at non-recognition of the YAR by default rather than by design.     

Language shift in Lithuania, 1850–1900: A reinterpretation

Abstract

The second half of the nineteenth century was a period of particularly intense linguistic change in Lithuania. This period has generally been viewed as one in which a shift was taking place among many speakers from Lithuanian to Polish, in such numbers that the very survival of the Lithuanian language was under threat. However, an alternate interpretation is possible when one considers that previous researchers failed to deal in sufficient complexity with important taxonomical, geographical, and sociological aspects of this alleged shift. This article proposes a reinterpretation of the sociolinguistic situation in Lithuania at that time, suggesting that the overall linguistic picture was much more stable than has often been supposed.     

Bemerkungen zur reform des Reichsjustizwesens in der Zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts

Summary

Voltaire and the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688

From the start of his career Voltaire was pro‐English. Britain was for him the country of a ‘sage liberté’ which was the beneficial result of the civil wars. His contacts with the British community in Paris and the exiled Lord Bolingbroke help explain why he sought refuge in London after his imprisonment and his subsequent passion for English institutions. Voltaire's view of institutions was not always very accurate; he only saw the positive side and, intentionally or not, concealed a great deal. The religious foundation of the English character escaped him, as did the agrarian problems. For him the regime of 1689 constituted a constitutional ideal; the balance it achieved was a perfection to whose defects he was blind.

Voltaire had always been split between his admiration for the English system and his respect for the ‘enlightened’ work of Frederick the Great and Catherine Il. He inclined, especially towards the end of his life, towards England. He was one of the originators of a current, still very much alive in France, of an anglophilia of the left’. But the undeniable weakness in Voltaire's thought was his failure ever to ask how far the representative government he so admired was capable of being practised by the French.     

Democracy Promotion versus Engagement with Iran

US President Barack Obama has tried two very distinct policy options in dealing with Iran. The engagement policy was designed to make a break with the past experience and re-start US-Iran relations on a positive footing. This approach was consistent with the advice offered to the new administration by Iran analysts and leaders of non-governmental organisations. The implication of the engagement policy, however, was sidelining the US commitment to democracy and human rights in Iran. This policy could offer little to the budding reform movement in 2009. The alternative policy of containment was not beneficial to the reform movement either. The policy shift at the end of 2009 was a response to Iran's failure to comply with the requirements of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The containment policy, manifested in the fourth round of UN-imposed sanctions on Iran, has led to a further entrenching of the hard-liners in the regime and intolerance of internal dissent.     

Egyptian Intellectuals in the Shadow of British Occupation

The 1930s bore witness to a turning point in the work of several important Egyptian intellectuals who were recognized for their Western inclinations. In light of the British presence in Egypt—which was accompanied by internal problems such as the economic crisis and the abrogation of the constitution by Prime Minister Sidqi—these intellectuals turned to Islamic-oriented writings. Their work was characterized by an anti-Western tone, and the general underlying message was that Europe was attempting to oppress as well as ‘westernize’ Islamic heritage. A claim that was frequently voiced by intellectuals was that orientalism, under the façade of scientific research, was consciously being used as a tool for undermining Islam as part of the cultural war between the East and West. The present article surveys the statements that were articulated on this topic by several of the era's most prominent Egyptian thinkers.     

Dance,Love, and National Awakening in Late Nineteenth-Century Lithuania

By the end of the nineteenth century, Lithuania's national awakening in the sphere of the emotive life had resulted in the strengthening of folk traditions, songs, and games (dances). In the initial stages of the awakening, there was no doubt as to the relevance of folk singing and music. The case for folk dancing was less certain. If dancing was not discarded altogether on moral grounds, was it possible to make it into an important cultural and political tool, like singing? In romantic novels, published in the earliest Lithuanian national newspapers, one can identify various challenges that young people experienced while they fell in love, engaged in the activities of the national awakening, and considered whether or not to dance.     

詹姆斯·威尔逊与美国宪法

詹姆斯·威尔逊是美国独立、制宪时期的著名政治家、法律家,曾担任大陆会议代表,签署过《独立宣言》,并参与了费城制宪,对制定1787年宪法贡献颇大。他还领导了宾夕法尼亚州批准新宪法的斗争,促使宪法顺利通过。宪法生效后,他又出任最高法院大法官,担任费城学院法学教授,解释和传授新宪法。威尔逊在苏格兰长大,深受苏格兰启蒙思想影响。从他对宪法的理解可以看出,苏格兰启蒙思想也是美国宪法的重要思想渊源。     

The Chilean presidential elections of 1999–2000 and democratic consolidation

This article examines the campaign and the outcome of the presidential elections held in 1999–2000 in Chile. It argues that the election marks a crucial phase in the consolidation of democracy in Chile. It can be seen as the first “normal” election since the return to democracy in 1990. It was unusually competitive and the result was in doubt until the second round vote. The election was notable for its emphasis on the future. Issues of the past were largely ignored ‐ as was the position of General Pinochet in London. The campaign of the Right was based upon an above‐party appeal while that of the ruling coalition relied on the traditional weight of parties in Chile. The result can be seen as an endorsement of the policies of the Concertacion government, but it also represented a resurgence of the Right. The victorious candidate, Ricardo Lagos, has stressed his commitment to social justice and to equity ‐ but he faces the problem of a governing coalition with internal differences still to be resolved, and a Right better placed to be a formidable opposition.     

Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb: His World and His Philosophy of Life

This article will explore and analyze the life and times of Haj Muhammad Hassan Amin al-Zarb (1834–1898) who was a self-made man who went on to become Iran's first major entrepreneur and the richest man in Iran. He started life in poverty and obscurity and ended his days in wealth and prominence. His rise to social and economic importance was so meteoric that it became the stuff of legends blending the myth and the reality of his life. He was a visionary with progressive ideas beyond his time. His world view was formed partly by his experiences in childhood and early life but beyond that by his own perspicacity. His cosmos was governed by his devotion to and responsibility for his family both nuclear and extended, by his deep religious belief, by patriotism and by the ambition to succeed in business. The article will investigate all of the above.     

The curious case of Ahmed Necmeddin Bey: a look into the sociopolitical climate in Aintab on the eve of 1915

Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was the kaimakam (district governor) of Aintab in late July 1908. One day, however, Ahmed Necmeddin Bey was beaten by a group of Turks and Armenians in Aintab; his clothes torn, he was dismissed from his post and finally expelled him from the city. But what was the reason for this incident? Within the first year of the declaration of the Constitution, it was the most important event that occurred in the city. This particular incident calls for careful examination, for this significant event reflects how the Second Constitutional era and the new regime were perceived by Muslims and Armenians in Aintab on a local level. Additionally, it offers us some useful clues regarding how the Union and Progress Party as a political organization and its policies were received on a local scale. By studying this case, it is also possible to see a clear example of how ordinary Ottoman citizens reacted towards the revival of the Constitution.     

“Perfidy Afoot!” Connor,the IEA and the Loans Affair

When the International Energy Agency (IEA) was established out of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 1974, Australia was not among its founding members. Indeed, it was opposed to its formation and even contemplated voting in the OECD to block its establishment. A single negative vote under the “mutual agreement” rule would have done so. This paper, based on archival research, explores the reasons for this course of action and shows that the decision was linked to the resource nationalism at the time of Minister Rex Connor and his fear that supporting it might jeopardise his attempts to raise non-equity finance in the Middle East. This article shows that this previously unanalysed decision was connected to what became known as the “Loans Affair” that brought about Connor's demise and contributed to the downfall of the Whitlam Government.     

The Unexpected Effect of the 2001 Crisis: The Revival of Right-Wing Mobilisation in Argentina

The mass protests of December 2001 were a turning point in Argentine politics. However, their effects in the mid- to long term have been less clear. This article argues that the 2001 crisis had two distinct consequences. The first, which was expected and immediate, was the stimulus given to left-wing grassroots organisations. The other, unexpected and deferred, was the revitalisation of right-wing collectives in subsequent years. The article uses a multiple technique approach.     

从佐藤春夫的《星》看近代日本的中国想象

佐藤春夫的中国题材作品《星》是以中国闽南地区的民间传说"陈三五娘"为框架改编而成的,该作不仅寄寓了佐藤春夫个人的情感体验,同时也阐发了他的"东洋"美学。文章通过《星》与"陈三五娘"故事原型的比较分析发现,该作对"陈三五娘"故事做出3处改动,从中可见,第一、佐藤春夫的中国趣味仅仅是他的亚洲意识的载体;第二、东西二元对立的思维方式成为他的中国观的认知基础;第三、他依据达尔文的进化论这一西方近代主义的认知模式评价中国、判断价值优劣。由此可见,"中国"在近代日本历史上被严重地符号化乃至意识形态化,成为近代日本知识人试图对抗西方文明入侵,实现自我认同的手段和工具。     

Afghanistan in the Great War

The period of the Great War in Afghanistan was one of the most transformational periods of her entire history. Less than a year after the end of the Great War, both Afghanistan and her relations with the rest of the world had changed forever. The article covers Afghanistan and the outbreak of war, the Niedermayer-Hentig mission from Germany, pressure on the frontier and at court, and the aftermath of the Assassination of Amir Habibullah. At Kabul, the emergence of a ‘War Party’, which favoured the declaration of war on India on the side of the Central Powers, caused difficulties for Habibullah's attempt to remain neutral. Although the War Party was to have some support from the Niedermayer-Hentig Mission to Kabul, it was never strong enough to act until the Great War itself was over. On the other side of the frontier, the tribes were expecting to be called to fight at any moment. Keen to raid into the plains, they initially moved too early and were rebuffed but low-level tribal activity took place all over the frontier, though not at the intensity seen in previous large uprisings. At the same time, the Indian Army was taking out the best troops to send to Europe and other fronts, leaving a comparatively small force to protect the frontier. Large scale response to tribal raiding was not possible but the Indian Army was able to deploy aeroplanes, artillery and machine guns as force multipliers to help make up for the lack of fighting men. The cumulative experience was one of change which needed to be understood and accommodated in short order. Men like Sir Denys Bray of the Foreign Department and Mahmud Tarzi and Abdul Quddus Khan in Kabul were able to do this and, in so doing, facilitated Afghanistan's emergence to independence and nationhood.     

Aspects of Tokugawa Bureaucracy and Modernization

There is perhaps in all history no parallel case to the swiftness and effectiveness of Japanese modernization in the few years following the Meiji Restoration of 1868. A few examples of it will suffice to indicate its extent and thoroughness. The feudal lords (daimyõ) returned their fiefs to the state in 1869, and the new prefectures were created in 1871. At the end of 1869 a telegraphic service began between Tokyo and Yokohama. In 1870 smallpox vaccination was made compulsory throughout the country. In 1871 there was new coinage based on the gold system, and the old currencies were abolished. By the following year a railway line existed from Yokohama to Shimbashi in Tokyo, and a government-operated spinning mill was set up in Tomioka in Gumma prefecture. A national system of primary education was established in these years, and the government not only planned but also intervened with investment in industrial developments, especially in heavy industry. Of quite fundamental importance were the missions which the government sent to Europe and the United States of America to study and report on various governmental, legal, and military systems. In all this there was obviously much central planning, central control and capable administration. There was also, and had to be, a fairly compliant and literate populace. Less obviously, one may assume that there were certain ‘growing points’ in the traditional values and social structure for the modernizing processes to develop from; evidence for that assumption will be offered below.