The Gwadar Port Issue in Sino-U.S. Relations

Because of its unique geopolitical importance,China's aid to construct Gwadar Port has caused much concern in the U.S. and other countries. The U.S. sees it as strategic expansion in the Indian Ocean and claims that China is intent on using Gwadar Port as a naval base in its "string of pearls strategy." The U.S. and China maintain conflicting interests on this issue. Although Sino-U.S.relations may not be affected greatly in the near future, the negative influence in the long term cannot be ignored.     

The Zimbabwe Issue in Sino-U.S. Ties

The United States has criticized the domestic and foreign policies of the Mugabe regime, and has attempted to raise the Zimbabwe issue in the UN Security Council, thus creating a point of potential conflict in Sino-U.S. relations.China differs from the United States on this issue not because of the measures taken by the Western countries such as economic sanctions and political pressure, but,more significantly, because of the Western conception of democracy and human rights, and the difference between the U.S. and Chinese strategies in Africa. The policies of China and the United States on the Zimbabwe issue can be interpreted as a struggle between two powers in Africa. In the short term, however, it is the Middle East that will continue to preoccupy U.S. foreign policy, and Zimbabwe will not become a major flash point in Sino-U.S. relations.     

日本民主党对华政策走向探析

日本民主党主政后为实现长期执政的目标,在强化对华关系的同时,也会赋予对华外交更多战略性的色彩.然民主党既和自民党同为保守政党,也坚持把对华关系定位为以日美同盟为基轴的对外关系整体的一个局部,加上日本国内外诸要素和自身条件的制约,其对华政策的转换不仅空间有限,且也存在着不确定性.     

The Future of US–China Relations: From Conflict to Concert

China and the United States have just experienced political transitions that allow the leaders of both countries to focus on bilateral relations free from the pressures of domestic political campaigns. But the domestic politics of the bilateral relationship inside each country are, like the structural tensions between the established power and the rising challenger, intensifying, as Washington takes new steps to assert its primacy in Asia and Beijing works to edge America out of its neighbourhood. US-China relations are likely to be less stable and more prone to conflict over President Obama’s second term, unless the two nations can arrive at a modus vivendi to keep the peace in Asia. The challenge is that such an entente likely requires the kind of political change in China its leaders seem determined to block for fear of the threat it would pose to their own legitimacy. The reverberations of a relationship that is conflict-prone, but in which conflict holds such downside risks for both countries, will be felt well beyond Asia.     

‘Good governance’: the itinerary of an idea

The concept of good governance originated among African scholars in relation to state–society relations in Africa, expressing the concern that these be developmental, democratic, and socially inclusive. The term has since been taken up by the international development business – in particular the World Bank – and used by them as a new label for aid conditionality, in particular structural adjustment in all its various manifestations.     

缅甸：军人执政的20年（1988～2008）的政治发展及趋势

自从1988年9月缅甸军人接管政权，建立“国家治安建设委员会”（1997年11月15日改名为“缅甸联邦和平与发展委员会”，以下简称“和发委”）以来，已有20年了。在当今世界，军人统治一个国家居然持续了长达20年的时间，可谓绝无仅有（如果从1962年3月奈温军人集团政变夺权算起，军人在缅甸的统治更是长达46年）。     

U.S. Engagement in East Asia: A Case for ‘Track Two’ Diplomacy

As the Bush presidency draws to a close, the foreign policy community is taking stock of contemporary U.S.-Northeast Asian relations, assessing the challenges and opportunities that are likely to confront the next administration. China presents both in abundance, as reflected in ongoing tensions and misunderstandings in the Sino-American bilateral relationship. This article assesses the prospects for Washington to improve its relations with China through the mechanism of “track two” diplomacy. First, we expand on the track two concept by examining its main components and functions with illustrative examples. We extend the existing conceptualization of track two beyond its traditional conflict resolution functions and develop an account of it as a mechanism for policy coordination and the reorientation of regional dynamics from conflict to cooperation. Second, we identify major areas of U.S. interest in Northeast Asia and show how track two diplomacy might usefully be pursued within these contexts. Our analysis culminates with recommendations on how the Unites States should apply track two strategies in its relations with China.     

Understanding the Unilateralist Turn in U.S. Foreign Policy

How should we explain the recent unilateralist turn in U.S. foreign policy? Some accounts treat growing American unilateralism as a passing aberration attributable to the neoconservative ideology of the Bush administration. This paper, by contrast, traces U.S. unilateralism to the structural effects, at home and abroad, of the end of the Cold War. Internationally, the removal of the Soviet threat has undermined the "institutional bargain" that once guided relations between the U.S. and its major allies. Absent Cold War imperatives, the U.S. is less willing to provide collective goods through strong international institutions and other states are less likely to defer to U.S. demands for special privileges that exempt the U.S. from normal multilateral constraints. Domestically, the end of the Cold War has weakened the ability of presidents to resist the appeals of powerful veto players whose interests are threatened by multilateral commitments. These factors suggest that American unilateralism may have deeper roots and more staying power than many expect.     

A postmodern critique of public relations theory and practice

ABSTRACT

Public relations is defined as the management of communication. However, the theory and practice of public relations are based on a modernist understanding of organisation. Alternative perspectives on the societal and organisational role of public relations are limited. This article explores the contribution of a postmodern critique of public relations, and the differences between modernism and postmodernism, particularly in organisational context. The current debate between critical theory and postmodern critique is also reviewed. Postmodernism is particularly critical of the public relations focus on strategy and management. It rejects the manager as a rational being who has the ability to determine organisational outcomes through strategies, which are viewed as discursive techniques used to enhance the power of some corporate actors. Modern public relations is a hegemonic practice that interpellates practitioners into the system to legitimise the perspectives and actions of corporate managers as objective knowledge, particularly through discursive practices in organisational media. Finally, the media relations role of public relations is critiqued for its creation of a hyperreality that leads to the creation of a hypercivilisation that has no factual existence. This article concludes with suggestions for a postmodern research agenda and defends the simultaneous use of critical and postmodern theory.     

On-line public relations: towards an integrated theoretical model

Abstract

Much has been said about the so-called information superhighway. Organisations are realising that a whole new world can be created on-line: more and more organisations, and individuals, are entering this superhighway at an incredible rate. Ironically, most people do not have a clue what the information superhighway really is, which is, for example, evident in the 1993 advertisement of the telecommunication giant, Pacific Bell, which claimed that: ‘While others talk about the information superhighway, we're actually building it’, but only launched their consumer Internet access service in 1996. In spite of widespread ignorance, the exponential growth of the Internet provides public relations practitioners with constantly expanding on-line public relations resources and the opportunity to use these online systems to create or enhance the images of organisations in the market place.

Without theory, the field of on-line public relations has no framework for understanding, organising and integrating the many activities and purposes of online public relations. Therefore online public relations needs a body of knowledge grounded in theory. It is clear that the shift is away from mass communication towards dialogical or interactional communication. In order to understand the theory of on-line public relations, it is important to systemise it in terms of a theoretical aporoach. This leads to the main aim of this article, which is to propose a theoretical model, the Or,-line Public Relations (OPR) model, to provide a suitable framework for explaining the on-line public relations process, and if applied in the development of on-line public relations plans or strategies, it can maintain its utility as a framework for the analysis thereof.

Based on a qualitative approach, this article attempts to theoretically explore, describe, interpret and conceptualise the concept on-line public relations, with specific reference to the development of on-line public relations in South Africa, the shift from traditional paradigms to new on-line trends and the integration of on-line public relations with other communication processes. Particular reference is made to the theoretical foundations of on-line public relations, and it is argued that at the root of on-line public relations, as a framework for explaining it, lies the need for an integrated theoretical approach. In the last section, a new OPR model is proposed, and a brief discussion of the elements of the model, the conceptual foundation of on-line information and information overload is presented.     

浅析近年来日本对东南亚的能源外交

印度尼西亚、马来西亚和文莱是东南亚石油与天然气等能源储藏量较为丰富的国家,而日本是石油与天然气等能源资源极为缺乏的国家。长期以来,东南亚是日本开展对外经济关系的重点地区。为减少能源进口来源地过度集中的风险,日本在已有与东南亚国家传统关系的基础上,不断拓展对东南亚地区能源富产国的外交。     

日本民主党执政与美日同盟变化

日本政权更迭是亚洲格局发生重大变革的一个最新迹象。民主党在竞选中获胜表明了寻求"更加平等"的日美关系获得了国内民众的认可,这是民主党制定对美政策的国内背景。在国际层面,中国的实力地位已经发生了质的变化,这种变化在日美关系上必然要有所反映,民主党执政则在客观上为日美同盟变化提供了可能。民主党追求自主性的基本方式是构建东亚共同体和更多地参与联合国事务,这预示着:与自民党相比,民主党将更多地以亚洲身份和在多边框架下参与地区和国际事务,而非对美国的一味盲从。民主党对"自主性"的追求并不意味着同盟弱化,相反,在解决朝鲜核问题、防核扩散、能源和环境保护等方面,日美有可能继续加强协调以维持对两国都必不可少的同盟关系。     

Geoeconomics in the context of restive regional powers

Geoeconomic power and its use appear to be a crucial, albeit understudied aspect of today’s international relations. Traditionally, international power has been thought of in geopolitical rather than geoeconomic terms. Indeed, ever since the famous debate about sea power and land power between Alfred Thayer Mahan and Halford MacKinder at the cusp of the twentieth century, scholars have linked geography with the pursuit of political and military power. However, the term “geoeconomics” is of a more recent origin, and also more vexing than geopolitics. The term is commonly associated with Edward Luttwak’s writings in the early 1990s Luttwak (Natl Interes 20:17-24, 1990, Int Econ 7/5:18-67, 1993), although it did not spin a major scholarly discussion at the time. For Luttwak, geoeconomics denoted the successor system of interstate rivalry that emerged in the aftermath of Cold War geopolitics. As a consequence of the rise of major new economic powers, such as China, India and Brazil, there is renewed interest in the concept. Yet, an overview of the literature indicates that there seems to be no agreement on what exactly the term means. This special issue tackles the different ways in which the term geoeconomics is used, in the context of the policies pursued by major regional powers (e.g. China, Russia and Germany). How are we to understand the actions of these regional powers in contexts where economic interests, political power and geography intersect? In the introductory article, we overview the literature and summarise the main arguments of the individual papers.     

Why “Best Military Advice” is Bad for the Military—and Worse for Civilians

This article contends that “best military advice” is a problematic construct for both the military and civilians alike. Yet, the increasing resonance of this construct across the Joint Force cannot—and should not—be summarily dismissed. Instead, it merits reflection about why the term has grown in popularity, how its continued use is influencing the development of defense strategy, and perhaps above all, how it will affect American civil-military relations. As best military advice infuses the U.S. military, it will increasingly become normalized and held up as desirable, particularly among the younger generation. Short of serious near-term steps to neutralize this construct, its deleterious influence will only increase.     

In Argentina at the time of the Falklands war

This article is a retrospective on the author's term as South African ambassador to Argentina from 1980 to 1984. The Falklands War occurred during his term and the article illuminates a critical period in Argentine history as seen by a diplomat on the spot, covering the fall of the military dictatorship and the restoration of democracy. Public perceptions of diplomats and diplomacy often differ markedly from the private reality. The new circumstances in South Africa lend themselves to a more truthful assessment of the apartheid government's foreign relations than would have been the case if the old order had continued.     

越美海军关系新发展值得关注

近期,美国调整其亚太战略,不断发展与东盟国家的关系,增强在东亚包括东南亚地区的军事存在。越南与美国海军交往的战略意图不容忽视,越南与美国发展海军关系,既迎合了美国对亚太战略进行重大调整、加强与东南亚国家接触的需要,也是其自身推行新的全面海洋战略和南海争端＂国际化＂战略的需要。越南应该清醒地看到,越美之间战略利益的一致性将会是短暂的、不均衡的。美国的全球战略决定它不会把现在的越南作为长期战略伙伴,不会把越南放在举足轻重的战略位置上。     

Darfur and Sino-U.S. Relations

The Darfur issue has been influencing the Sino-U.S. relationship since July 2004. There are at least three reasons to say so. Firstly, China and the U.S. disagree,both on the nature of the issue and on its solution. Secondly,China and the U.S. have conflicting interests, especially their oil interests in Sudan and the African continent.Finally, U.S. domestic political forces have forced the issue onto the agenda of Sino-U.S. relations. Although the issue has become an unharmonious factor in the Sino-U.S.relationship, it has not damaged the bilateral relations too much. Instead, the two countries have been cooperating on the issue.     

Promise and Performance: An Evaluation of Journals in International Relations

What kind of international relations research gets published in the field's most recognized journals? Who are its authors? This study investigates the subject matter, methodology, and origin of recent research published in top international relations journals, building on earlier work that has investigated the contents of journals. This study investigates the contents of three international relations journals— International Studies Quarterly , International Organization , and World Politics — which have been consistently ranked as the top three journals in international relations. Data are for the ten most recent completed volume years, 1995–2004. This study finds that international relations scholarship in these three journals focuses on a relatively narrow range of subjects and is produced by a rather homogeneous group of scholars.     

Sino-U.S. Comparisons of Soft Power

This article proposes a method for measuring soft power. Overall, it is estimated that China has roughly a third of America＇s power in this respect. Three factors constitute the soft power of a country： its international appeal, its external and its internal mobilization capabilities. In the short term, China cannot hope to catch up in international appeal and needs to find a balanced way to develop both hard and soft power. It needs to set policy guidelines based on equality and justice, enhance its capabilities for rallying both external and domestic support, and concentrate on improving its social credibility and international strategic reputation. In doing so, it is hoped that China will be able to narrow the gap in these areas within four to five years.     

尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）执政后的对外政策走向

新近执政的尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）从新生共和国的国家安全和国家利益出发，适时调整对外政策，奉行更加务实的、灵活的大国平衡外交，其对外政策的核心是调整、发展与印度、中国和美国等大国的关系，以荻取大国经济和政治支持。