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This paper develops and illustrates a novel theoretical explanation for maximal revisionist challenges to the status quo. I argue that some rising great powers become dissatisfied with the normative and constitutive structure of the status quo and therefore incapable of or unwilling to orient themselves toward reassurance, not because of increasing capabilities but rather due to the domestic political effects produced by perceptions of status immobility—the idea that the status quo is unable to accommodate the rising state's claims to increased status and prestige. I illustrate the argument by showing that Japan's increasing revisionism after 1931 can in large part be explained by widespread perceptions of status immobility linked to Japanese understandings of the role of race in the maintenance of the Western-dominated status hierarchy.  相似文献   

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This article responds to the debate provoked by the author's ‘Does capitalism need the state system?’ (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4 2007, 533–549) and his exchanges with Justin Rosenberg (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 21:1 2008, 77–112). It is divided into three parts. The first restates the issues, situating them in the context of a growing Marxist preoccupation with the international in recent years, and contrasts the ‘high road’—Rosenberg's attempt to use Trotsky's concept of uneven and combined development to provide a transhistorical perspective on intersocietal relations—with Callinicos's own preferred ‘low road’ of more focused analysis centred on the prevailing mode(s) of production. The second addresses the fundamental criticisms addressed to him by Hannes Lacher, Benno Teschke and John M Hobson, all of whom deny that there is a necessary relation between capitalism and the interstate system. The third considers the more specific comments offered by Neil Davidson, Gonso Pozo-Martin, and Jamie Allinson and Alex Anievas, before concluding with an appeal for a move off the terrain of abstract theory to more empirical studies that can test the relative value of rival conceptual constructions.  相似文献   

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从《防卫白皮书》看日本对华安全政策   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
在世界各国的官方出版物中,日本<防卫白皮书>被认为是对中国国防关注最多的系列文件.白皮书中公布的部分资料是目前系统研究日本对华安全政策的重要参考资料,根据对这些资料的研判,可以了解日本政府在各个重要时期在对华安全问题上的认识特征,并从总体上把握其对华政策的演变轨迹.即日本的安全政策从在冷战时期的反华到中日复交后的联华制苏;再到冷战后的对华疑虑观望,关注戒备;最后发展到21世纪初的防范明确化.  相似文献   

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《Orbis》2022,66(3):320-333
Over the course of the 1890s, the United States shifted from a continental defense model toward a hemispheric one. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge (R-MA) was a leading proponent of this shift. Lodge was convinced that the United States needed to build a blue-water navy, acquire maritime bases overseas, establish its predominance in Central America, and push US influence out into the Pacific. The first test of this vision came not against Spain or Germany in the Caribbean, but against the possibility of British and Japanese influence over Hawaii in 1894–95. Domestic political and economic considerations acted mainly as a constraint on Lodge’s vision rather than as a basis for it. The main impetus was strategic, as he looked to safeguard an extended security zone for the United States in Atlantic, Pacific, and Caribbean waters. As he put it, “I would take and hold the outworks, as we now hold the citadel, of American power.”  相似文献   

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近些年来,俄罗斯随着经济实力的恢复,重振大国雄风的意愿越来越明显.美国因此竭力通过各种途径阻止其国家复兴.而美俄两国在导弹防御系统问题上的较量,正是美国霸权图谋与俄罗斯民族复兴之间的根本性矛盾的外在表现,同时也是单极世界诉求与多极世界呼声的碰撞.中国应充分认识由此引起的俄美关系的变化,做好定位,为推动经济全面快速发展创造更好的外部环境.  相似文献   

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The process whereby queen Athaliah was deposed and replaced as monarch of Judah by the boy-king Joash in the seventh century bce warrants analysis as a typical 'coup d'etat'. The purpose of the present article is to interpret the relevant biblical narratives (II Kings II and 11 Chron. 23) in terms relevant to that political concept. Specifically, it posits that the organization and implementation of this highly successful coup can be illuminated by reference to modern political science literature on regime change. Thus read, the biblical records of the episode constitute a detailed 'how to' manual of political action.  相似文献   

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非洲的脱贫之路   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
长期以来,贫困已成为非洲经济发展的羁绊,减轻贫困是21世纪非洲发展面临的主要挑战.非洲贫困集中表现为农村贫困人口占绝大多数.生产资料、劳动者质量等生产要素以及政局动荡和历史原因分别是造成非洲长期贫困的结构性因素、现实因素和历史因素.非洲国家把消除贫困作为社会经济发展中最紧迫、最基本的任务,制定了发展社会经济和减轻贫困的基本战略,并采取各种措施,努力谱写振兴非洲大陆的新篇章.但非洲国家的脱贫任重而道远.  相似文献   

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Many negotiation teachers share the same tip early on: negotiators who set higher goals do better. It turns out that one of the most empirically supported truths about negotiation comes with a big but. Negotiators who set higher goals are likely to feel worse. In other words, negotiators who set optimistic goals are likely to obtain better objective outcomes but worse subjective outcomes.
We call this empirical finding the goal-setting paradox. This article considers sources of and explanations for the goal-setting paradox and suggests how negotiators and negotiation teachers may better manage this paradox through mindfulness and other techniques.  相似文献   

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When emotions run amok, negotiators lose perspective and make serious mistakes or perform poorly. The authors describe emotions, explore their origins, detail their physiology, demonstrate their key role in human behavior (particularly in negotiation), and propose a series of recommendations for dealing with fear and anger, two critical emotions in negotiations.  相似文献   

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Norsk utenrikspolitikks historie (The History of Norwegian Foreign Policy), (6 vols., Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1992–97), NOK 298 per volume. Vol.1: Narve Bjørgo, Øystein Rian and Alf Kaartvedt, Selvstendighet og union. Fra middelalderen til 1905 (1995), pp.416. Vol.2: Roald Berg, Norge på egen hånd 1905–1920 (1995), pp.401. Vol.3: Odd‐Bjørn Fure, Mellomkrigstid 1920–1940 (1996), pp.434. Vol.4: Jakob Sverdrup, Inn i storpolitikken 1940–1949 (1996), pp.389. Vol.5: Knut Einar Eriksen and Helge Pharo, Kald krig og internasjonalisering 1949–1965 (autumn 1997), Vol.6: Rolf Tamnes, Oljealder 1965–1995 (autumn 1997).  相似文献   

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Instead of always teaching students how to succeed—as is the norm in higher education—it might also be useful to teach them about failure. Understanding failure (that is, why actors fail to reach common objectives in inter-group settings) gives students deeper insight into how to resolve global problems, and the conditions under which success can be achieved. This enhances student awareness of complexity in world affairs, including the nature of inter-group relations. Simulations are a good way to teach students about the possibility of failure, and how to learn from it, because they allow students to go through the learning process on their own. In this article I discuss how a simulation I ran on Middle Eastern politics can be used as an example of how to instruct students about failure as much as about success.  相似文献   

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How can policy-relevant ideas be effectively communicated to practitioners? While the existing literature has focused on what kind of theory and research are policy relevant, it does not say much about how this knowledge can be communicated. If you want to make a difference, you must know how to reach your target. We take note of the important, but in this context often overlooked opportunities for knowledge diffusion that are provided by the education of young minds and the training of mid-career officials and officers. This article first discusses three contending perspectives on the relationship between scholars and practitioners. It then makes a conceptual elaboration of conditions for communicating research to practitioners, drawing on a wide body of literature on the power of ideas. We conclude by summarizing pointers for how scholars may reflect and how we can act, if we wish to enrich foreign policy practice with research-based ideas.  相似文献   

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二次世界大战结束60多年来,澳日关系的变迁是国际关系发生重大变化的一个表征。澳日不久前签署的《防务与安全声明》无疑是两国关系发展史上的一个重要文件,为两国防务与安全合作提供了政策性指导,并将推动两国关系由"建设性伙伴关系"走向准同盟关系。  相似文献   

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Previous research has given scant attention to the issue of how and when ex-combatants resort to organized violence. This article fills this research gap by comparing ex-fighters in the Republic of Congo and Sierra Leone. It holds that ex-combatant violence is the result of interaction between entrepreneurs of violence, military affinities, intermediaries, and selective incentives. Ex-combatants take to arms when they have access to entrepreneurs of violence. By offering selective incentives and utilizing existing military affinities, entrepreneurs can generate the enticements and trust needed to convince ex-combatants to resort to arms. However, as entrepreneurs have limited contact with ex-fighters, they are dependent on intermediaries to do the actual recruiting for them. Contrary to previous assumptions, this article finds that ex-fighters are largely risk-averse individuals and that ex-combatant violence is seldom triggered by the mere presence of small arms, lack of economic opportunities, or experiences of insecurity.  相似文献   

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一 将近10年前我跟一些朋友想把格瓦拉搬上中国舞台,当时我们找到今天会议的主办方拉美研究所,找到刘承军同志;后来我们又找到今天会议的东道主古巴驻华使馆.我们得到了无私的帮助.  相似文献   

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