Philippe Delerm ： Grand ecrivain des petits riens

菲利普·德莱尔姆(Philippe Delerm)是当今法国最受欢迎的作家之一,其成名作<第一口啤酒以及其他微妙乐趣>一书,收集了34篇叙述日常生活趣事的小型文章,在法国引起轰动,业内人士称法国文坛的1997年为德莱尔姆年.本文梳理归纳了作者的生平、作品及主要写作风格,并浅析<人行道上的羊角面包>一文,以展示德莱尔姆作品中的"微妙乐趣".     

Analyse des motivations,des besoins et des attentes des étudiants dans l''''apprentissage du francais dans le cadre des facultés de sciences économiques

法语第二外语教学长期以来都是以所用的教材来决定上课的内容和形式,而较少考虑到学生的学习动机以及他们对法语课的需求和期待,上课的气氛比较单调和沉闷。本文采取问卷调查的方法,主要对财经类院校学生学习法语的动机进行分析,研究这一特殊教学对象的学习需求和期待,以便更好地为他们提供相适应的教学内容和形式。     

Historique des étudiants chinois en France

与 1 7世纪的中法交流中介者—传教士一样 ,中国留学生在中法两国文化交流以及中国现代化过程中起到了重要的作用。然而对于这一群体的研究 ,除 1 9世纪 2 0年代的“勤工俭学生”之外 ,似乎还未得到足够的重视。本文尝试梳理 1 978年以前“留法学人”的历史希望鉴往知今 ,对当代的留法教育有所启示。     

Enjeu culturel de la presse écrite —— la comparaison des reportages franais et chinois sur les activités des dirigeants d′Etat

我国报纸近年来随着社会需求和自身的市场化运作,领导人活动报道质量有所提高,但在报道形式上与西方发达报纸相比仍然存在很大的差异。本论文采用社会学的实证研究方法,系统比较了中法两国关于胡锦涛访法事件的相关报道,分别选取了两国具有代表性的三份报纸,采用定量研究方法从八个方面展开文本分析比较,并初步总结了中法两国报纸对领导人活动的不同报道模式。在此基础上,本文试图挖掘出现差异的深层原因。     

Grand Coalition and Multi-Party Competition: Explaining Slowing Reforms in Gender Policy in Germany (2009–13)

Since 2005, the Christian Democrats (CDU) modernised family and labour market policy by supporting gender equality. Recent explanations trace this back to their competition with the Social Democrats (SPD) for female voters. What is missing from these accounts is a discussion of coalition dynamics. We argue that the drive for modernisation faltered under Angela Merkel's second term for three reasons: (1) coalitional dynamics in the new Conservative–Liberal coalition; (2) the traditionalist CSU wanted to distinguish itself from the moderate impulses of the CDU; and (3) the CDU reacted by moving away from its former ‘social democratisation’. As a result, gender equality policies in the family and labour market slowed and developed increasing inconsistency by indicating not only openness for modern but also emphasising conservative ideas. Despite the inherent contradictions this appealed to many different voters and contributed to a substantial victory for the CDU in the federal election of 2013.     

The Pivot between Containment,Engagement, and Restraint: President Obama’s Conflicted Grand Strategy in Asia

This article examines the formulation and implementation of American grand strategy under the Obama administration, and how the “pivot to Asia” functions within this strategic context. It argues that President Obama attempts to secure continued American hegemony through a combination of cooperative engagement and restraint. This exposes a fundamental dilemma at the heart of America’s rebalancing: increased engagement with US allies and partners in the Asia-Pacific is fueling political, economic, and military competition with China. Sequestration and questions over American strategic coherence and consistency are simultaneously undermining the credibility of the pivot, both at home and abroad. The article concludes that this dilemma makes it unlikely for the pivot to succeed in its stated aims, unless the United States re-emphasizes cooperative engagement with China.     

Centenaire du cinema:l''''inquietude et l''''espoir des cineastes francais

１９９５年法国大张旗鼓地举行了法国电影百年大庆。然而，这一片繁华却掩盖不了现实中的危机和无奈。面对电视强有力的竞争，法国电影生存的秘诀是什么？在工业和科学技术日新月异的今天，电影又面临着什么样的挑战？这就是本文力图说明的问题。     

“Making the Crooked Straight”: China's Grand Strategy of “Peaceful Rise” and its Central Asian Dimension

Abstract

This article argues that China's foreign policy since 1991 has been guided by the evolution of a grand strategy of “peaceful rise” that seeks to ensure China's smooth transition to great power status. Moreover, it suggests that a strategic preoccupation with Central Asia has become an important expression of this grand strategy. Framing these arguments is a third overarching one that postulates that China's foreign policy in Central Asia is not only intimately related to the strategy of “peaceful rise” but also to a particular, historically and geopolitically informed narrative of China's “Inner Asian” power.     

The Rise and Fall of Japan's Grand Strategy: The “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” and the Future Asian Order

This article examines the “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” which symbolizes a new direction of Japanese diplomacy and reinforced cooperation with countries where such ideals as democracy, freedom, and human rights are shared. Originally proposed by Foreign Minister Taro Aso, the concept has since moved into the background but nevertheless remains in the thoughts of current Japanese diplomatic strategy.     

Organisierte Zivilgesellschaft im EU-Verfassungsprozess: Partner des Regierens oder Konstituent politischer Ordnung?

A new role has been ascribed to civil society within the EU-constitutional process. It is not only regarded as a partner in governance but also as a constituent of the emerging EU-polity. Civil society appears in this process primarily as the structure of voice that is articulated in relation to EU-governance and that claims to represent European citizens. The article proposes an analytical framework and a methodology of how to analyze civil society in its role as constituency. The research agenda is linked to the intermediary and the representative function of organised civil society as a transmission belt of legitimatory discourse on the EU. In order to reconstruct how potential interests, identities and normative ideas relating to the legitimacy of a EU constitutional order are contested within national politics, our research draws on a survey of German civil society organisations in three sectors: a) consumer interest organisations, b) churches and religious organisations, and c) women and gender equality groups.     

Las élites neoliberales en México: ¿cómo se construye un campo de poder que transforma las prácticas sociales de las élites políticas?

The recomposition of Mexican political elites during the 1980s overlaps with the transformation of a development model that shifted from a basically protectionist and nationalistic model to a neo-liberal and open-oriented one. Such a switch has implied far-reaching changes in the social practices of political elites. Based on a record that contains each high-rank official during the 1988–2014 period, the mechanisms having established a transnational power network crossing from one presidential term to the next are reviewed, as well as those factors that favored the organization of a power field increasingly focused on the border between the national, regional and global spaces. Some of those mechanisms include the international historical context; the creation of working teams with a basically neo-liberal worldview; the trajectories of the high-rank officers; the reforms that have been driven; the fluent transit among public and private positions, and the highly varied relationships established between this group of officials and transnational actors and organizations. It is concluded that the elites’ new social practices do not only hamper and challenge the creation of public goods and autonomous structures with the capacity of planning according to the general interest, but they also encourage institutional depredation.     

Le Parlement de Waterloo: la Chambre des Représentants (mai-juillet 1815)

SUMMARY

In this article, Maria Sofia Corciulo looks at the evidence on the proceedings of the Chamber of Deputies elected during the return of Napoléon Bonaparte as emperor in 1815. This took place under the terms of the Acte Additionnel drafted by Benjamin Constant, following Napoléon's expressed decision to reign as a constitutional monarch. Constant introduced a number of significant liberal modifications to the old Napoleonic constitution, and elections for the new Chamber were held in May 1815, though using the electoral bodies established under the 1802 constitutional arrangements. The article suggests that the outcome of these elections, from the very low participation levels in the voting to the character of the men elected, suggests an abscence of confidence in the likely stability of the restored Empire, and this tentative attitude held through the brief opening proceedings of the new legislature in the days immediately before Napoléon left to join the army. After the return to Paris from Waterloo, Napoléon rejected the advice of those who urged him to dissolve the obviously disloyal Chamber, and in view of its attitude was left with no option but abdication. In conclusion the article affirms that this outcome resulted not from the intrigues of Fouché, nor from the ambitions of Napoléon's family, but because the Chambers required it, though their expressed hopes of then being able to lay down conditions for the eventual sovereign chosen for France were thwarted by the will of the victorious allied powers.     

Zwischen Biologisierung des Sozialen und neuer Biosozialität: Dynamiken der biopolitischen Grenzüberschreitung

The article deals with recent developments in the field of biopolitics, which may lead to a fundamental change in the relationship between medicine, society and the individual. While the social scientific debates evaluated these developments rather controversial, there seems to be a tacit consensus regarding the homogeneity of the biopolitical field: its dynamics is interpreted either in terms of a biologisation and naturalisation of social life or in terms of increasing individual self-determination and of the emerging new forms of biosociality. This opposition is, however, ignoring the fact that, within biopolitics, we are rather facing different and heterogeneous social and technological dynamics. To comprehend this complexity, we are discerning four biopolitical dynamics: the extension of medical diagnosis, the extension of therapies and medical technologies, the detemporalisation of illness and the direct enhancement of human nature. These dynamics are not only questioning well-established conceptions of human nature, but tend to affect or even undermine the distinctions between health/illness and therapy/enhancement. In our conclusion, we are addressing the question of possible social limits to these tendencies of biopolitical transgressing of boundaries.     

Réflexions sur des États Provinciaux au XVIIIe siècle: Provence,Comtat Venaissin,Corse

SUMMARY

In this article F-X Emmanuelli examines the experiences of three sets of provincial Estates, those of Provence, Comtat Venaissin and Corsica in face of the pressures from the governments of Louis XV and Louis XVI aimed at undermining the autonomy of the Pays d'Etats and extending the direct authority of the royal government. The article suggests that the royal government did follow a consistent policy of seeking to enlist the support of the social groups in provincial society which it judged most likely to be cooperative and at the same time seeking to reduce the sphere of activity of the Estates to routine administration and the assessment of taxation, for the royal government did not venture to try and suppress their traditional fiscal privileges. After an examination of the different experiences of these three provinces, the article suggests reasons why the Estates enjoyed considerable success in resisting the pressures put upon them and safeguarding their traditional liberties. The level of success, however, is shown to depend on the particular nature of the institutions of the province and the social structure of the Estates themselves.     

Le probléme des origines des Assemblées d'États: Réflexions méthodologiques à la lumière de l'histoire sud‐est européenne de l'institution

Summary

This paper examines the relations between republican and democratic forces in Restoration Spain. From the middle of the last century, republicanism was the political movement most clearly involved with the democratization of Spanish politics. After the collapse of the 1873 Republic, the republican movement went through a severe crisis which led to its fragmentation over issues both of principle (federalists against unitarists) and of practice (revolutionaries against reformists). Between 1873 and 1931 Spanish republicanism underwent a marked transformation. The old republicanism was characterized by the modes of political activity of the nineteenth century — the club, the committee, the masonic lodge. The new republicanism, on the other hand, emerged from the first decade of the present century clearly moving in the direction of the modern political parties which finally crystallized out in 1931. Together the Radical and the Reformist parties are a case‐study in the transition between the classical and the modern which perfectly exemplifies the hybrid nature of republican democracy.

Though Spanish republicanism was socially heterogeneous, embracing within its various parts elements of the upper and middle bourgeoisie, substantial sections of the petty, urban bourgeoisie, and a declining, but still numerous, section of the working class, it still needed an alliance with the socialists (the Conjunción of 1910). However, what was most notable about Spanish republicanism was its link with the intelligentsia; it was they who gave it its character and who made the greatest effort to integrate Spain into the most modern currents of European thought.     

Culture constitutionnelle,modèles étrangers et forme de gouvernement parlementaire en Italie: l'État libéral (1848–1922)

SUMMARY

The main aim of this article is to grasp the specific nature of the Italian case and the form of its government, as seen in particular in the analyses made by students of the constitution at the time. Fernanda Mazzanti Pepe considers two separate periods, the first during the formation and early actions of the parliamentary regime during the first thirty years after the grant of the Albertine Statute (1848), and the second in which amendments were sought, from the 1880s until the eve of the Fascist regime. The key concept for the constitutional culture of the first period was ‘parliamentary omnipotence’ in the English manner, while reserving real powers to the king. In the second period, full of far-reaching social and political changes, the erstwhile simple confidence in parliamentary omnipotence gave way to a growing suspicion and a diffuse search for guarantees, such as the continuance of a strong role for the Crown and a revitalization of the Senate as an institution representing ‘organized interests’. The catchphrases most used became the ‘correction’, ‘development’ or ‘adaptation’ of the constitutional system in face of the new reality, but these words were always linked with ‘limits’ which had to be identified to avoid dangerous innovations, whether progressive or regressive. Limits also had to be placed on the ‘flexibility’ of the Statute, and in this search for forms of stability for the constitution, the American model, long rejected, now also became a worthy one to follow.