进一步开发区县党校功能的思考

<中国共产党党校工作条例>、<行政学院工作条例>和<2010-2020年干部教育培训改革纲要>的相继颁布,对新时期下如何做好党校工作提出了新要求.嘉定区委党校在贯彻两个"条例"和一个"纲要"的过程中,在自身功能开发和建设上下功夫,通过"三统三分",发挥了党校在嘉定干部教育培训的主渠道、主阵地作用.     

以改革创新精神推进党校工作

根据市委的决策部署,召开上海市党校工作会议,回顾和总结2003年全市党校工作会议以来的上海党校工作,明确贳彻落实全国党校工作会议精神和<中国共产党党校工作条例>的工作要求.     

关于从严治校的思考——学习《中国共产党党校工作条例》

按照<中国共产党党校工作条例>,从严治校是办好党校应该坚持的原则.从严治校就要从严整治党校学风,就要树立具有党校特色的良好校风,就要加强纪律保障.坚持从严治校,重在严于律己,身教胜于言教.     

深入贯彻落实党校工作条例 积极推进党校工作改革创新

一 今年上半年,上海党校系统深入贯彻落实全国党校工作会议精神和<党校工作条例>以及上海市党校工作会议精神和市委<关于贯彻落实<党校工作条例>的若干意见>,积极推进上海党校事业的科学发展,取得了显著成效.     

强化党校熔炉氛围 切实提高党性教育实效

<中国共产党党校工作条例>规定党性教育是党校的必修课,党校要以坚定理想信念、增强宗旨观念和改进作风为重点加强学员的党性修养.为强化党校党性锻炼的熔炉氛围,我校在所有主体班次实行了党性分析的全覆盖.党性分析也是市委党校局级领导干部进修班学员在党校学习期问进行党性教育和党性锻炼的-个重要环节.     

把握时代特点创新教学理念

党校的发展已经进入了一个关键时期,<干部教育培训工作条例(试行)>、<中国共产党党校工作条例>的相继颁布实施,为党校教育事业提供了难得的发展机遇和更为广阔的发展空间,同时也对党校教育提出了更为严峻的挑战.如果我们能够把握"大教育、大培训"为我们带来的机遇,以积极的姿态从容应对面临的各种挑战,党校的发展就会进入一个大有作为的新天地.反之,如果我们安于现状,不思进取,那么我们在不久的将来就会失去现有的地位,失去存在的价值.要抓住机遇,应对挑战,最紧迫和最实际的举措,就是紧紧把握新形势下干部培训的特点,把实现传统培训向现代化培训转变作为深化改革的立足点,对原有的培训理念、课程设置、教学方法、办学方式等进行理念创新.     

党校与其他干部培训学校的区别与联系(上)

中国共产党校是在党委直接领导下培养党员领导干部和理论干部的学校,是党委的重要部门,是培训轮训党员领导干部的主渠道,是党的哲学社会科学研究机构.中国共产党成立后不久即着手建立党校,1924年5月10日至15日,中共第三届中央执行委员会在上海召开扩大会议,会议通过的<党内组织及宣传教育议决案>强调了党内教育的重要性,在党的历史上第一次做出"设立党校养成指导人才"的决定.1924年12月,中共历史上第一所党校--中共安源地委党校.在安源张家湾工人补习学校内创办开学.1933年1月31日,中华苏维埃共和国临时人民政府人民委员会第31次常会研究决定:"议决与中共中央局及全总执行局合办苏维埃党校,并通知各地选送苏维埃班的学生."1933年3月13日,党校开学,取名为"马克思共产主义学校",通常认为这就是中共中央党校的前身.     

把握党校工作新要求 开创党校科学发展新局面——学习贯彻《党校工作条例》和全国党校工作会议精神的几点认识

认真学习贯彻<党校工作条例>和全国党校工作会议精神,努力开创党校科学发展的新局面,是各级党校在这次深入学习实践科学发展观活动中必须作出科学回答并有效实践的根本问题.     

内容提要

沈红光的“以改革创新精神推进党校工作”一文指出，根据市委的决策部署，召开上海市党校工作会议，回顾和总结2003年全市党校工作会议以来的上海党校工作，明确贯彻落实全国党校工作会议精神和《中国共产党党校工作条例》的工作要求。一、认真总结上海党校工作的主要经验，进一步推进党校事业的发展；二、认真贯彻落实全国党校工作会议精神和《中国共产党党校工作条例》，努力开创上海党校工作新局面。     

以改革创新精神推进党校工作

根据市委的决策部署，召开上海市党校工作会议，回顾和总结2003年全市党校工作会议以来的上海党校工作，明确贯彻落实全国党校工作会议精神和《中国共产党党校工作条例》的工作要求。     

Party Platforms with Endogenous Party Membership

This paper proposes and analyzes a model of how the behaviorof voters and that of potential party activists togetherdetermine party membership and the ideological characteristicsof party platforms. Membership decisions are based onexpressive motivations, whereas platforms are chosenstrategically. Part of the ideological spectrum may remainoutside both parties because of alienation or indifference.     

Party Sub-Brands and American Party Factions

Scholars and pundits have long noted the dominance of the American two-party system, but we know relatively little about new, endogenous institutions that have emerged within the two major parties. I argue that ideological factions provide party sub-brands, which allow legislators to more precisely define their partisan type and capture faction-specific resources. To support this claim, I analyze new data on nine ideological factions in the House of Representatives (1995–2018). I find that (1) faction voting is distinct, suggesting a product ripe for party sub-branding, and (2) joining a faction changes the ideological composition of a candidate's donor base—conditional on the strength of the faction's institutions. Party sub-branding is effective only when factions possess organizational features that induce coordinated and disciplined position taking (e.g., whips, PACs, membership restrictions). These results suggest that, even within highly polarized parties, American political ideology is more than a dichotomous choice, and factions target niche markets of political donors as a means of blunting financial instruments of party power.     

欧洲议会党团:一种特殊的政党组织

新世纪以来,为研究“共产党的执政规律”,有关政党问题的论著相继问世,其中不少论著涉及西欧政党问题。但能够既系统又简要且具学术性地反映出政党发源地——西欧国家冷战后政党基本状况的论著并不多见。本组笔谈力图达到这个目的。     

The Feminisation of the Conservative Parliamentary Party: Party Members' Attitudes

Under David Cameron's leadership reforms have been made to the Conservative party's parliamentary selection procedures and distinct women's policy initiatives have been developed. This article, based on focus group data with party members, explores attitudes towards measures designed to recruit more women Conservative MPs. Broadly, we find that, despite widespread support for the principle of greater social diversity among PPCs, members are uncomfortable with the specific measures that have been introduced. This is largely on the grounds that anything approaching 'positive discrimination' should be eschewed in favour of the 'meritocratic' selection of candidates. Further, the members tend to resent central party 'interference' in what has traditionally been the domain of local Constituency Associations.     

People, Place and Party: Describing Party Activism

The aim of this article is to present a structure for the historical study of party activism. Based on research carried out on the activities of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) between 1884 and 1911, the article puts forward the case that current understandings of that organisation should be reassessed to include the notion of the 'political journeys' of the activists. Instead of focusing exclusively on ideology, the article suggests that other poles or features such as locality and collective biography should be used. If the organisation is viewed from a wider perspective and with a longer exposure time, then, this article argues, a clearer picture presents itself.     

延安时期提高党员党性修养的实践路径

延安时期是中国共产党历史上的特殊时期,党在这一时期进行了局部执政的实践,党建工作获得丰硕成果,其中提高党员党性修养效果显著。主要措施有:加强学习,通过多种载体、多种形式和各种严格的规定,以增强党员的理论修养;结合实践,通过民主生活会、自我反省、群众监督,以提高党员的思想道德修养;完善制度,通过健全民主集中制、完善规章制度和监督体系,以提升党员的组织纪律修养。党员党性修养的提高,保障了党员队伍的先进性和纯洁性,为中国革命的胜利打下了坚实的基础。     

From a Contingent Party System to Party System Convergence? Mapping Party System Change in Postwar Finland

The current imperative in journal articles of presenting new data and new 'theory' has largely been at the expense of new interpretations and 'big picture' analyses. This article proceeds from the failure of the comparative politics literature, from Sartori to Evans and Green-Pedersen, to grasp the essential dynamics of the Cold War Finnish party system and the curious absence of Finnish studies of the significant legislative party system change occurring thereafter. Following a critique of Green-Pedersen's notion of 'party system implosion' as applied to Finland, the article depicts a shift from the contingent party system of the Cold War era, when exogenous veto players formed institutional barriers to office-seeking parties, to the present convergent party system where most, if not all parties compete for, and converge on, the centre ground and cooperate interchangeably in governing coalitions without significant deviations in the main lines of public policy.     

中国共产党与社会民主党建党思想的区别

中国共产党第十六次全国代表大会在坚持马克思主义建党思想的基础上,与时俱进,开拓创新,对党的理论纲领、入党条件、组织制度和发展战略等进行了调整。有人认为,中国共产党正在社会民主党化。因此,从理论上认清中国共产党和社会民主党的根本区别是十分必要的。其实,二者在党的性质,指导思想,奋斗目标,组织原则和入党条件等方面存在着根本区别。