雇佣劳动与资本关系探赜——基于马克思《雇佣劳动与资本》的文本考察

《雇佣劳动与资本》是马克思分析资本主义私有制下雇佣劳动与资本关系的经典文献之一。立足资本主义社会的时代背景和现实斗争需要,通过汲取古典政治经济学经济理论的合理成分,马克思创作了《雇佣劳动与资本》。在这篇文献中,马克思运用唯物史观分析了雇佣劳动与资本的相关范畴,论证了雇佣劳动与资本之间既相互依存又彼此对立的关系。以雇佣劳动与资本对立关系为基点,马克思揭示了资本主义雇佣劳动制度阶级剥削的秘密及其对人类劳动本质的背离。《雇佣劳动与资本》衔接着马克思经济思想的发展脉络,对批判当今资本主义社会宣扬的“无产阶级逐渐消失论”具有时代意义,对我国构建新型劳动关系发挥着重要指导作用。     

阶级结构的新变化与资本主义基本矛盾

本文认为,20世纪80年代以来,资本主义经济最深刻的变化发生在金融领域。在金融垄断资本主义条件下,资本主义生产方式和所有制形式没有改变,资本对雇佣劳动的剥削和统治关系没有改变,但资本的增殖形式发生了变化。当代资本主义所有制关系的变化主要表现在国有部门的私有化以及股权分散化的进一步发展。雇佣劳动者对资本的间接从属关系随着工人持股而加深,进一步掩盖了劳动者受资本剥削和奴役的地位和程度。无产阶级与资产阶级之间的关系没有随着经济全球化进程的加快而发生根本性变化,它们之间不是淡化而是强化了控制与被控制、剥削与被剥削、压迫与被压迫的关系。资本主义基本矛盾和危机成为资本主义制度本身无法愈合的伤口。     

浅析资本社会主义

资本社会主义是一个标示社会主义发展阶段的范畴,是社会主义的初级阶段,可以从在社会主义初级阶段存在社会主义资本,在社会主义初级阶段必须利用资本主义发展社会主义,当代社会主义的发展必须应对资本主义全球化的挑战三个方面来理解它。虽然资本社会主义所具有的特征中包含种种资本主义因素,但它的目标是向更高阶段的社会主义发展,并最终实现共产主义。     

历史唯物主义现代性原像的哲学考量——兼对历史唯物主义“重建论”的批判

马克思生活的社会是以资产阶级为主导的现代社会,其现代性思想必然以资本主义社会为解析对象.马克思着力于揭示资本的升值和人的贬值的内在冲突,研究雇佣劳动制度和价值实现方式阻碍技术合理性潜能的展现,阐释社会关系的异化,在此基础上对现代性的考量就必须冲破意识哲学的牢笼,立足对资本主义社会现实的分析;跨越自我理解的陷阱,凸显主体解放视野,映现人的价值维度;摒弃资本主义生产方式,解除非人的资本力量对人的控制和奴役,才能构建使每个人的自由全面发展得以实现的新“现代性”.历史唯物主义正是在以上三个转变的基础上,实现了对现代性的批判和超越.     

战后西方国家制度调整与"社会平等"的进展

二战后,发达资本主义国家在基本制度不变的基础上调整产权结构、生产要素地位、雇佣劳动和社会分配制度,把“社会平等”进一步提上日程,缓和了社会紧张,实现了一定程度的社会平等。现实社会主义可以借鉴有关的成果。     

如何科学认识"社会主义市场经济"

解读邓小平的社会主义市场经济理论,必须从邓小平设定的条件和概念出发,不能把具有特定涵义的范畴变成一般范畴.社会主义市场经济理论所突破的"传统观念",不是马克思的经济理论和西方主流经济学,而是混淆不同历史形态社会主义和超阶段的"左"的思想.不应抽象地谈论社会主义和市场经济是否兼容,能够和市场经济兼容的社会主义是特定的社会主义.商品生产不等于资本主义,但把市场经济和私有制、雇佣劳动分离开来未必符合实际,现代市场经济的主体是资本主义经济.社会公平是一个历史范畴,一般市场经济所能实现的社会公平不是社会主义性质的公平.     

试论当代资本主义国家的阶级和阶层结构

战后西方资本主义国家随着新的科学技术革命，以及社会主义国家的改革、发展和国际政治经济格局的新变化，生产力和社会政治经济结构发生了重大变化，引起了阶级和阶层结构方面的巨大变化。但从根本上来讲，资本与劳动对立的性质没有变化，工人阶级作为整体，其雇佣劳动者的地位没有变。我们要从宽广的历史视野出发，观察和分析当代资本主义国家阶级和阶层结构的新变化。一、当代资本主义国家阶级和阶层结构发生变化的主要表现马克思和恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中曾这样描述自由竞争的资本主义时代的阶级关系的特点：“我们的时代，资产阶级时…     

公共权力与私人资本的博弈:政商关系之历史与现实

社会现实告诉我们,公共权力与私有资本都必须受到制约。在人类历史上,政商关系先后经历了前资本主义社会权力神化、资本主义社会权力道德化和社会主义社会权力客观化三个阶段。其中,资本主义社会私有资本第一次真正实现了有效地制约公共权力,将其关进了私有资本的笼子里。我国现在处于社会主义初级阶段,应当依靠发展社会主义民主政治,在社会主义市场经济基础上,建立相配套的社会主义市场政治上层建筑来制约公共权力;在此基础上,必须用公共权力将私有资本关进科学制度的笼子里,不能放任私有资本从经济走向政治染指国家政权,要坚持国家公共权力对私有资本的驾驭。因此,推进政治体制改革以重塑强大的科学的公共权力优越和正确处理政商关系,是全面完善社会主义市场经济的相辅相成不可分割的两个重要方面,特别是保持一种强大的科学的公共权力优越是社会主义市场经济至关重要的支撑。     

社会主义生产劳动理论探索

马克思资本主义的狭义生产劳动是物质生产过程中创造剩余价值的劳动，广义 劳动是能给资本家提供利润的雇佣劳动。社会主义生产劳动的狭义劳动是直接或间接从事物 质资料生产并能为社会提供剩余产品的劳动，广义劳动就是营业性劳动。     

社会民主主义的基本价值观

1959年,社会民主党内曾发生过一场著名的讨论,中心议题是“社会主义是不是由历史发展的客观规律所决定的”。 过去社会民主党人曾认为资本主义社会内部矛盾运动的规律将导致社会主义代替资本主义,但是经历了两次世界大战悲剧,尤其是希特勒法西斯的统治后,他们认为历史规律是靠不住的,希特勒在一夜之间就摧毁了社会民主党以前取得的所有民主成就;同样,资本     

Locke, Hegel, and the Economy

Peter Lawler’s insightful critique of American individualism offers many important lessons, but his diagnosis of our economic situation is overly optimistic. Indeed, “big government” is more of a problem than Lawler suggests. This essay draws on two central figures of Lawler’s analysis—Locke and Hegel—to explore the problems that individualism poses for modern political economy. Although individualism is unlikely to make the regulatory state or welfare state wither away, the psychology of individualism confirms the importance of cultivating forms of recognition beyond economic life.     

Whither Individualism?

Peter Lawler intelligently challenges conservatives to make the best of Lockean individualism, to recognize its natural limits and its debt to Christianity, and he downplays Tocqueville’s concern that a loss of virtue must lead to a rise in statism. But he does not see clearly enough that individualism and statism have always been two sides of the same coin, or that the Christian pedigree of Lockean individualism is not necessarily good news. It is true enough that individual liberty will always depend upon virtue, but it does not follow that liberty will always generate virtue. If the failure of virtue does not lead to statism, then where it does lead may still not be very pretty.     

Joseph’s Squinting Eye: Race and Individualism in Peter Matthiessen’s Shadow Country

Peter Matthiessen’s novel Shadow Country offers a fictionalized account of the life of real-life character Edgar Watson. Matthiessen’s portrayal illustrates Jack Turner’s argument in Awakening to Race that atomistic individualism both justifies an individual’s success as a product of that person’s hard work and masks the racial inequality on which that success is actually predicated. Turner advocates an “awakening to race” as an important step toward replacing atomistic individualism with democratic individualism in American society. Matthiessen’s work deepens Turner’s analysis by showing that the whiteness of Watson’s atomistic individualism is inflected by masculinity. Further, Matthiessen depicts the difficulty of awakening to race for many white Americans. The Edgar Watson narrative serves to show that while closing one’s eyes to race may appear to be an advantage for most white people, not awakening to race actually exacts a devastating psychological tax. That kind of insight, which approaching political theory through literature affords, may help white Americans circumvent psychological mechanisms of denial and acknowledge the difficult history of their country.     

公共选择理论中互投赞成票的逻辑与模型

公共选择理论中互投赞成票模型的方法论基础是个体主义假设。作为一种方法论的个体主义与作为一种组织社会活动的规范的个人主义是两个根本不同的问题。在互投赞成票的论证逻辑中,包含了几个必要条件:一是必须采取多数表决规则;二是集体选择必须符合连续性假设,也就是说,集体选择是一个持续的独立决策流;三是少数派的偏好比多数派的偏好更为强烈,这暗含了偏好强度的差异性。根据这种逻辑,可以设计一个以公路修缮为主题的简单互投赞成票模型。这个模型的基本结论是:每个个体的理性行动导致了集体的非理性行动,集体的财政开支将超出合理的水平,其根本原因是多数表决规则的采用及由此造成的互投赞成票。通过概括和推广,这个简单互投赞成票模型可以应用于许多现实的集体决策情形中。     

J. M. Buchanan’s contractarian constitutionalism: political economy for democratic society

Public Choice - The purpose of this paper is to support three claims. Firstly, that it is Buchanan’s uncompromising commitment to a methodological and a normative individualism to which his...     

Is there a relationship between election outcomes and perceptions of personal economic well-being? A test using post-election economic expectations

Do individuals believe that an election victory by their favored candidate will improve their personal economic well-being? Previous work has either adopted an approach that is not well suited to determining this relationship, or ignored this question to focus on perceptions of macroeconomic conditions. In this paper we adopt a new approach that allows us to determine the relationship individuals perceive between elections and personal economic welfare, examining the relationship between vote choice, the election outcome, and post-election expectations for personal economic well-being. We find that economic individualism plays an important role in shaping the relationship individuals perceive between election outcomes and their personal economic well-being. Individuals who reject economic individualism do perceive a relationship, with those viewing an election outcome as favorable more optimistic in their expectations for personal economic well-being than those who view the election outcome as unfavorable. Conversely, election outcomes do not influence the expectations of economic individualists.     

Open Immigration Policies and Liberal Discomfort

Consequentialist cosmopolitanism, Peter Higgins argues, enables closed border liberals to evade charges of moral hypocrisy despite their commitment to moral equality of individuals, once we recognize that open border arguments rely on cosmopolitanism’s individualism requirement, which ignores social realities relevant to a realistic assessment of the social consequences of an open immigration policy. Higgins is mistaken, however, in contending that cosmopolitan individualism entails attention to people only in their capacity as the abstract atomic individuals populating Charles Mills’ idealized social ontologies. Conversely, if cosmopolitan individualism does compel us to think of people as abstract atomic individuals, we are not obliged to think of them as relatively privileged. Under liberal cosmopolitanism, however, which prohibits state discrimination between citizens and non-citizens, open border policies are subject to no such consequentialist objections.

Citizenship in Civil Society?

Abstract

This article seeks to provide a conceptual framework to complement and guide the empirical analysis of civil society. The core argument is that civil society must be understood, not as a category of (post)industrialized society, but as one of individualized society. Civil society is characterized by individualism that is sustained and protected by the civil values of autonomy and emancipation. This, accordingly, implies that empirical data of civil society can be understood most fruitfully within the framework of individualized society. Classical sociology, however, perceives this very individualism and its values as being antagonistic to its own civic vision. Hence, the crucial question is whether there can be any scope for citizenship, classically understood, within civil society. This article begins with the conceptual reconstruction of the social organization of civil society. Thereafter, two distinct civil society perspectives—mediating structures and Tocquevillianism—are explored to see how civil individualism and citizenship relate to each.     

Nordic Cultural Baselines: Accounting for Domestic Convergence and Foreign Policy Divergence

The five Nordic countries converged remarkably when developing domestic institutions, but they diverged significantly when developing foreign policies. Grid-group theory prescribes four contending cultures—hierarchy, egalitarianism, individualism, and fatalism—and offers a basis for understanding the structure of political coalitions and conflicts. Surveys from the five Nordic countries measuring cultural baselines are used to estimate the degree of convergence and divergence. The countries converge with reference to high agreement with egalitarianism, individualism, and hierarchy, and disagreement with fatalism. This concords with the historically strong regime of social democracy in this region. The five countries diverge with reference to their foreign policy in that they polarize along two dimensions. To the east, there is increasing fatalism associated with countries not being members of NATO; to the north, there is increasing egalitarianism associated with countries not being members of the European Union. Given the importance of popular support through referenda, an eventual accession of Norway and Iceland to the EU cannot happen unless egalitarianism diminishes among their publics.     

WELFARE IDEOLOGY, THE MARKET AND SOCIAL SECURITY: Towards a Typology of Market-Oriented Reform

The global shift towards the market in the provision of social security is typically associated with the values of the New Right, but we take issue with this view. An examination of the main welfare ideologies that have influenced the development of contemporary social security systems suggests that the market and individualism have a role to play in a range of approaches to reform. Whilst some approaches unreservedly endorse the market – in a way which accords with the ideas of the New Right – other approaches adopt a pragmatic orientation based on a recognition of two public policy dilemmas, “market failure” and “state failure.” This attempt to define a middle way typifies many of the recent social security reform initiatives. Drawing upon Esping‐Andersen's recent work on de‐commodification, we construct a typology of normative approaches to the provision of social security which may be used to contextualise market‐oriented social security reform initiatives. This we argue is necessary to avoid the over‐simplified dichotomy between individualism and collectivism which is typical of so much recent work on social security reform.