Life space and social networks as political contexts

Based on data collected in the course of the September and November 1980 waves of the National Election Studies, this contextual analysis of interpersonal relations in social networks presents two major findings: First, the neighborhood as a geographical unit does not appear to be a perceptually salient environment for political behavior; and second,particular neighbors, individually linked to a voter, appear to constitute a social network that has an independent impact on partisan affect for the political parties and their candidates as well as on stability or change in vote preferences as the electoral season goes forward. Thus, although the neighborhood appears to be of minor importance as a politicalenvironment, social relations among particular neighbors result in an interpersonalcontext that has an impact on political behavior.This article is being published simultaneously as Chapter 12 in Heinz Eulau,Politics, Self and Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniversityPress). Copyright 1986 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College.     

The Europeanisation of conflict: Reflections from a social movement perspective

If Europe is becoming a polity, then regular patterns of social and political conflict ‐ both institutional and non‐institutional ‐ will emerge between citizen groups and decision‐making authorities. Although we are beginning to have a substantial body of research on institutionalised interest group interaction at the European level, we know much less about non‐institutionalised forms of contentious collective action that have European policies as their targets. Using social movement theory, several varieties of such collective action can be identified. Based on the theory of political opportunity structure, it is shown why one of these forms ‐ actions intended to bring national states’ power to bear against European policies — appears to have a rich and turbulent future.     

Business responses to environmental and social protection policies: toward a framework for analysis

This conceptual paper seeks to advance neo-institutional work that has traditionally portrayed environmental and social protection policies as constraints followed by businesses. Drawing from the policy sciences literature, we propose that in the United States, businesses tend to show increasing resistance as the protective policy process moves from initiation to selection and growing cooperation thereafter. Most importantly, we also contribute to the neo-institutional theory literature by positing that this inverted U-shaped policy process–business response relationship proposed for the U.S. context may be moderated by variations in the level of democracy, system of interest representation, regulatory approach, and national income.

Beyond asymmetry: cooperation,conflict and globalisation in Mexico-China relations

Abstract

Academic commentary has long emphasised the asymmetry in Mexico-China relations. In particular, much attention has focussed since the early 1990s particularly from the Mexican side on the economic imbalance in trade and investment that has become and remains acute with the expansion of the economy of the People's Republic of China. This is though far from the only sense in which the relationship between the two countries is asymmetrical. There is also a severe imbalance in the relative importance of politics and economics as determinants of this relationship for both China and Mexico. The Mexican Government seems to be more concerned with its economic relationship with China. In contrast, the PRC Government seems more concerned with its political relationship with Mexico. Moreover, there is a further asymmetry in the respective significance that each appears to have to the other as a partner. Mexico plays a small role in China's outlook but China looms large in Mexico's worldview. Identification of a number of cross-cutting asymmetrical relationships suggests that a bilateral perspective may not be the most effective for understanding the interaction or potential interaction between Mexico and China. On the contrary, there is more logic to the elements of cooperation and conflict between Mexico and China when their relationship is viewed in the wider, multilateral context of globalisation.     

Ancestry Culture,Assimilation, and Voter Turnout in Two Generations

Political Behavior - Women vote less than men in many parts of the world. Whether this gender gap is due to cultural preferences stemming from traditional gender norms or to structural constraints...     

种族冲突与国家弱化--兼论弱化国家的行政管理

冷战后,种族冲突和民族分离主义在世界各地迅速泛滥,对世界和平与发展构成严重威胁.本文认为,世纪之交种族的冲突和民族分离主义与民族国家的弱化有密切关系,国家弱化主要表现在两个方面一是民族国家在管理职能上的弱化,二是殖民主义分而治之的殖民遗产造成民族国家发展上的弱化,国家弱化加深民族冲突.     

社会工作助力乡村振兴战略的契机与服务重点

党的十九大报告提出了乡村振兴战略的任务目标,社会工作作为公共服务的重要社会力量,基于民国乡村建设运动历史经验,当今社会工作理论和实务服务水平的提升、政府良好的政策环境和社会工作职业目标与乡村振兴战略目标的一致性,社会工作能够凭借助人自助的专业价值观和个案、小组、社区等工作方法参与乡村振兴战略,并在助力脱贫攻坚、服务困难特殊群体、繁荣发展农村文化和创新基层社会治理方面开展专业社工服务,助力乡村振兴战略。     

Strategic responses to institutional change: Parties,committees and multiple referral

Public Choice - Although multiple referral seems to remove committees' gatekeeping power, strategic opportunities exist for motivated committees to dominate late stages of the legislative...     

Social capital and neighborhood stability: An empirical investigation

Abstract

There is a growing consensus among urban analysts that inner‐city neighborhoods suffer from a lack of social capital. Because these areas do not have a strong social infrastructure in place to support successful revitalization efforts, urban policy recommendations now call for developing social capital in the worst‐off parts of our cities. However, this consensus has been reached without any empirical analysis of the effect of social capital on urban neighborhoods. Moreover, there have been few, if any, efforts to show how to measure social capital at a neighborhood level.

This article proposes a social capital model of neighborhood change that measures social capital as a function of two constitutive elements: sociocultural milieu and institutional infrastructure. In addition, we present a theoretical model to show how social capital affects neighborhood stability and an empirical analysis that provides evidence of the positive effect social capital has on neighborhood stability.     

PACs,lobbies and political conflict: The case of gun control

Previous research has shown that PAC contributions from the National Rifle Association as well as letters and lobbying by Handgun Control, Inc. significantly affected Congressional voting on the Firearms Owners Protection Act of 1986, holding constant ideology, party, constituency characteristics, and a proxy for prior position on the issue. Using data from that study, this paper shows that contributions have a somewhat different effect than lobbying. Contributions from NRA were primarily targeted at NRA supporters and had the net effect of making the progunners even more so. Contributions from Handgun Control, while they did not significantly reinforce the proclivities of the gun controllers, were directed only at that group. At least in this case, money appears to exacerbate conflict. By contrast, the police lobby directed its attention at both gun controllers and pro-gunners; the lobby effectively induced pro-gunners to moderate their position. These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that PACs associated with membership groups, which seek to retain members whose primary reason for joining is self-expression, are likely to allocate monies in such a way as to exacerbate policy conflict and to allocate lobbying activities so as to induce moderation. Nonetheless, because the gun issue is unidimensional, the finding that money fosters conflict implies only that Congress will be noisy, but not in disequilibrium.     

公共政策冲突:内涵、表现及其效应分析

公共政策是政府行政机关为实现一定的目标而确定的行动方案与行为准则,公共政策冲突就是公共政策系统内部各种政策之间以及政策的各种要素之间所发生的对立、抵触、矛盾现象.公共政策冲突的本质是政策主体之间的利益冲突.公共政策冲突的表现形式多种多样,当前中国公共政策冲突具有普遍性,既具有正面的效应,也具有负面的影响.但最主要的是负面影响.     

From conflict to accommodation: the 'Foreigners Question' in Switzerland

Abstract. There have been three major periods of post-war migration to Switzerland. First the classic system of guestworker recruitment which lasted from 1948–1960. Second a period of political controversy from 1961–1978 concerned with 'overforeignisation' which brought about increased government intervention accompanied by a slight reduction in the foreign population. Recently Swiss labour recruitment has switched from yearly guestworker recruitment to seasonal workers and border commuters. This has lasted from 1979 to the present. Despite the fact that Switzerland has done very little to assist the integration of the immigrant population, they appear comparatively well integrated and surprisingly satisfied.