论区域协调发展与区域文化的交融

区域协调发展离不开区域文化的交融。就东西部地区来说,区域经济发展不平衡,差距仍然很大,而文化发展的非均衡是形成区域经济发展不平衡的重要因素,不适应市场经济发展的落后观念制约了西部的发展。因此,要加强东西部文化的交融,在西部文化中注入更多现代的促进市场经济发展的文化因子,实现观念转变,更加突出经济理性观念,强化市场经济的现代观念,增强创新精神,注重开发人才资本的理念,从而创新与提升西部文化,继而促进区域协调发展。     

提升文化软实力 塑造广西新形象

文化是塑造区域形象的重要力量。建设文化广西、和谐广西,必须充分认识提升文化软实力在塑造区域形象方面的重要作用。要采取有力措施,深入挖掘民族文化资源的潜力,加强文化创新与传播能力,大力发展文化事业和文化产业,为塑造一个开放、包容、美丽、自信、和谐、充满生机和活力的新广西形象而不懈努力。     

提升文化软实力塑造广西新形象

文化是塑造区域形象的重要力量.建设文化广西、和谐广西,必须充分认识提升文化软实力在塑造区域形象方面的重要作用.要采取有力措施,深入挖掘民族文化资源的潜力,加强文化创新与传播能力,大力发展文化事业和文化产业.为塑造一个开放、包容、美丽、自信、和谐、充满生机和活力的新广西形象而不懈努力.     

论文化生产力与中部地区的经济发展

文化生产力是影响一个地区经济发展和社会进步的重要因素。在实施中部崛起战略、促进中部地区经济跨越式发展的过程中,应特别重视发挥文化生产力的积极作用。中部地区丰富的文化资源构成文化生产力的基础,也是中部地区经济发展的重要资源;近几年中部地区文化产业有很大发展,逐渐形成区域经济新的重要的增长点;中部地区的文化交流与创新可以大大激发文化生产力,为中部经济发展注入强大精神动力。当前进一步挖掘和培育中部地区的文化生产力,应从手段创新、体制创新、政策创新、思路创新着手。     

高校思想政治教育和区域文化德育功能的互补强化和统合——基于广州高校问卷调查和实证分析

区域文化对大学生的隐形品德教化和对高校思想政治教育实效性的潜在影响日益成为当下学术界研究的热点课题。依据对广州三所高校的问卷调查结果,论证区域文化和思想政治教育在影响内容和方式的差异构成了功能互补,环境重叠和共同具备的文化功能又强化了彼此渗透。深入探究二者的功能衔接和统合,将对进一步增强学校思想政治教育的实效性和促进区域文化的传承创新都具有重要的理论和实践价值。     

文化资本与产业集群的动力体系

产业集群是特定区域内组织间相互依赖的共生系统.随着产业集群不同动力体系的功效逐渐分化,文化资本对提升产业集群的竞争优势具有特殊价值.在全球产业结构调整中,人文凝聚力往往成为特定区域承接产业转移、形成"植根性"产业集群的重要因素.良好的本地文化环境有助于形成一个学习型经济区域,进而有助于推动产业集群成长过程中的组织创新和制度创新.     

区域文化与中国传统文化关系述评

从整体特征来考察,区域文化是中国传统文化的重要组成部分,是在大传统文化指导下的个性文化。二者之间的关系是复杂多样及互动影响的。首先是＂多元一体＂的关系,认识区域文化在传统文化中的地位和作用,不仅可以更深刻地理解主流文化,而且可以使区域文化朝着健康的方向发展。其次是＂相互依赖＂的关系,没有区域文化就没有中国传统文化,二者是依存的关系。再次是＂互动发展＂的关系。二者相互促进,互为发展变化动因。最后是＂整合创新＂的关系。区域文化和传统文化碰撞融合出新质文化,传统文化与区域文化的整合兼容是普遍存在的。     

倚重中部崛起的软实力:区域文化

中部文化历史悠久,中部经济出现“塌陷”。如何从中部文化中找到实现中部崛起的新元素,是中部突破对发达地区发展路径依赖,实现中部有创新性的崛起的重要支撑。本文通过考察中部文化的优性与劣性,透视区域文化与经济发展的互动关系,提出创新中部文化,促进中部崛起的若干对策。     

“互联网+”背景下高职院校创新创业模式的实践

在高校扩招、就业严峻的背景下,高职院校学生毕业、招聘、考录问题重重。国家鼓励深入推进大众创业、万众创新,激发高校社会创造力。高校作为区域的文化中心,是文化服务、教育引领的重要枢纽,对区域经济发展意义深远。文章结合中国国际“互联网+”创新创业赛事,基于宁德职业技术学院创新创业社的建设实践,积极探索高职院校开展创新创业、服务人才培养、实现产教融合的有效路径。     

构建开发区产业发展新的体制机制

1992年无锡新区作为国家级高新技术产业开发区应运而生．经过16年开发建设而今已成为区域经济重要增长点、区域创新体系策源地、国际化重要窗口、体制机制改革试验田．综合实力跻身全国54个国家级高新区的先进行列。制度重于技术,文化催生制度。吴文化传承的开拓开放精神,铸造了无锡新区独特的文化底蕴．而在这种文化的熏陶下．孕育而成适宜产业发展的新的体制机制。     

基于新区域主义视角的区域合作治理探析

区域公共问题的凸显,使区域内的单一主体无法单独应对各类公共性事务,因而区域合作治理成为一个普遍的选择。新区域主义倡导区域间的开放性、介入性、包容性、合作性,对区域合作治理的推进作用明显。我国在探索区域合作实践过程中存在着诸多矛盾与不足,因此需要在新区域主义指导下,建立新型的区域合作同盟,完善区域治理政策框架,构建区域利益平衡与协调机制。     

China and Asian regionalism: Challenge and policy choice

Regionalism has become an interesting phenomenon in Asian international relations. Driven by fast growing trade and investment, Asian countries have developed variegated patterns of economic co‐operation and a complex level of interdependence among themselves. Although the growing Asian regionalism is very much an economics‐driven process, it has profound impacts on regional political organization. This analysis examines Beijing's changing attitudes toward Asian regionalism and its policy choice in the regional economic integration. It is argued that the integration of the Chinese economy into the regional structure is promoted by the government as well as driven by market dynamics. Although Beijing has let the Chinese economy develop into the regional ‘flying geese’ structure, the best policy choice for China, as many Chinese scholars have argued, would be a three‐circle strategy of integrating into the world economy and a strategy of ‘market for technology’ in regional economic co‐operation. This analysis also discusses the regional political obstacles impeding co‐operation across national borders. It is argued that healthy bilateral relations and more political will toward regional multilateralism on political issues would be instrumental for future regional prosperity and stablity in Asia.     

China's Rise in Southeast Asia: implications for the United States

During the past few decades, China's economic success has permitted it to pursue a greater role on the international stage. China is recognized both as a regional and aspiring global power. Nowhere is this more evident than within Southeast Asia, where China's more active diplomacy is reflected in growing trade relations, proposals for stronger security ties, and the signing of numerous cooperative agreements on issues as varied as environmental protection, drug trafficking, and public health. As a whole, the region has received China's activism with both enthusiasm and trepidation. China has expended significant effort to assuage the fears of its neighbors by adopting a foreign policy approach that is active, non-threatening, and generally aligned with the economic and security interests of the region. This positive diplomacy has clearly yielded some success, most notably in the trade realm, where China is rapidly emerging as an engine of regional economic growth and integration that may well challenge Japanese and American dominance in the next three to five years. In the security realm, China's diplomacy, while rhetorically appealing to regional actors, has yet to make significant inroads in a regional security structure dominated by the United States and its bilateral security relationships. Most significantly, however, if China is to emerge as a real leader within Southeast Asia, it will also need to assume more of the social and political burden that leadership entails. As China continues to advance itself as a regional leader, its policies on issues such as health, drugs, the environment and human rights will face additional scrutiny not only for their impact on the region but also for the more profound question they raise concerning the potential of China's moral leadership. For the United States, China's greater presence and activism suggest at the very least that it cannot remain complacent about the status quo that has governed political, economic and security relations for the past few decades. Shared leadership within Southeast Asia will likely include China in the near future, with all the potential benefits and challenges that such leadership will entail.     

Beijing's new thinking on security strategy

Beijing is refocusing its foreign strategy in the Asian Pacific region. This article examines Beijing's new thinking on security strategy in the post‐Cold War Asian‐Pacific region. Drawing from the recent strategic debate in China, the author discusses three defining areas in the new security strategy: military strategy, defense development strategy, and foreign policy and security strategy. It is argued that thinking in security strategy has become more regional oriented, sophisticated and compatible with foreign policy. The implication of China's defense modernization for regional security is controversial. In the short run, China's military posture will not change balance of power at the regional level, but it will significantly affect outcomes of future territorial conflicts on China's periphery. In the long run, Beijing's role in Asian‐Pacific security remains uncertain.     

Is China's Western Region Development Strategy on Track? An assessment

China's government launched the Western Region Development Strategy in 2000 with the aim of boosting economic development in 12 provinces, municipalities and autonomous administrative regions in the western part of the country. This paper presents the results of an assessment of the progress made so far and makes suggestions for better performance in the future. We conclude that although the western region has experienced impressive rates of economic growth, regional disparities in China have continued to widen in spite of the western regional strategy. We also develop a regional growth model to determine the major drivers of regional economic growth in the western region of China. Furthermore, the sources of regional disparities are examined using Morduch and Sicular's regression-based decomposition approach. These models are used for suggesting a more targeted package of regional development policies for the period beyond 2010.     

Between Confrontation and Assimilation: China and the fragmentation of global financial governance

This article explains China's multilateral approach towards regional and global financial institutions in the early twenty-first century. Challenging the dichotomous views of ‘eventual assimilation’ and ‘systemic conflict’, the article argues that China's strategic behavior suggests neither one-way assimilation into an American-centered liberal order nor a collision course with the United States and its Group of Seven (G-7) allies. China seems intent on exploring both global and regional options lest it should limit the range of strategic options available to itself. China has been pursuing a risk-averse counterweight strategy, that is, developing regional financial institutions and thereby avoiding overdependence on G-7-centered global institutions while maintaining collaborative relations with those global institutions. Such behavior will facilitate the emergence of a more fragmented and multilayered form of global financial governance in the post-global crisis world.     

试论国内华侨博物馆的地域特点及文化认同功能

华侨博物馆作为华侨华人文化遗产收藏、保护、研究、展示的专门机构,其兴建主体、捐赠主体、展陈内容等方面有着明显的地域特点。华侨博物馆在促进华侨华人乡土文化认同及中华文化认同方面有着得天独厚的条件和方法,它通过具有地域特点的藏品和展览为海外华侨华人的乡土文化认同构建提供了基础和途径。基于这些优势,华侨博物馆将在促进华侨华人乡土认同方面发挥越来越重要的作用。     

区域软实力的概念、要素及评估指标体系

区域软实力在中国受到越来越多的关注,不少学者对其概念、涵盖的要素及评估指标进行了探讨。文章认为,区域软实力是指在一个国家内一个区域可用以动员区内外的资源来实现其经济、社会、文化等全面发展的非物质力量。其构成要素主要有:政府管理和服务、区域文化、人力素质、区域形象和生活环境。为此,应构建由三级指标构成的区域软实力评估体系。     

教育资源不均衡对收入差异影响研究

中国近几十年在取得经济快速发展的同时,收入差异也在不断扩大。教育对社会及个人财富增长来说,都有十分重要的意义。运用国家统计数据进行实汪,发现中国教育资源存在区域不平衡和城乡不平衡等问题,它加剧了区域收入差异、城乡收入差异和群体收入差异扩大的趋势。建议：进一步提高认识;进一步加大投入;进一步完善制度。     

浅论区域合作背景下的政策执行问题

在全球经济一体化的背景下,国内各区域合作组织也风生水起。区域政策作为实现区域战略的手段,掌握在区域内各地方政府手中。地方政府对区域政策的执行力度、效度直接影响着区域合作组织的生存与良性发展。文章通过对区域发展过程中存在的执行问题进行原因分析与理论探讨,试图为区域合作组织的良性发展提供现实路径。