新加坡经济衰退对劳工市场的影响及政府的对策

东亚经济危机的持续,使新加坡的经济也陷入衰退的境地。经济的衰退对新加坡的劳工市场产生了很大冲击,失业人数剧增。为了解决失业问题,提高劳动生产力,使新加坡的经济走出低谷,新加坡政府采取了一系列措施。本文将对上述有关情况加以介绍。一、新加坡经济的衰退１９９８年初,新加坡的经济就显露出衰退的迹象。第二、三季度,经济衰退日趋严重。国内生产总值增长速度减慢,各行业普遍不景气。请看表一和表二：表一　按１９９０年市场价格国内生产总值百分比的变化１９９７年１９９８年第三季度第四季度年均第一季度第二季度第三季度与…     

从新加坡的发展看智缘政治的兴起

在知识经济社会 ,决定一个国家综合国力的主要力量将是一个国家占有资源及利用资源的知识和技能。知识经济的发展不仅加速了大国实力对比变化 ,而且也为一些经济基础较好、勇于进取的发展中国家提供了发展的契机 ,新加坡的异军突起就是一个很好的例子。中国面临这一新的机遇和挑战 ,应积极采取措施 ,跟上知识经济时代的潮流。     

新加坡网络内容管理的经验及启示

新加坡作为世界网络互联程度最高的国家之一,在网络内容管理方面采取“三管齐下”的方针,一是实施轻触式管理制度,二是鼓励行业自律,三是加强公众教育,提高网络安全意识。近年来,随着网络应用的日益广泛,新加坡出台了《分类许可证制度》、《互联网操作规则》和《垃圾邮件控制法案》等政策法规以完善其网络管理。新加坡网络内容管理既实行严格的法律制度,也实行价值观宣传等柔性管理政策。新加坡相关政策的制定不仅符合其本国历史文化及发展实践,还随着网络的广泛应用以及政府的重视而日益完善,其成功经验值得学习和借鉴。     

政府间纵向关系改革的法国经验及其启示

单一制国家的政府间纵向关系体制可以分为集权型和分权型两种类型。1982年至2003年,法国在20余年的时间内,将其政府间纵向关系体制由原来的集权型转变为集权型与分权型相结合的、独具特色的"双轨制"。这场改革的成功经验及其对推进中国政府间纵向关系改革的启示是:改革前提是从理论上厘清政府权力的各个层面;改革目标是实现政府权力行使权在政府间的合理化配置;改革路径是经由权力下放实现制度性分权;改革保障是把握好改革内容的系统性和进程的策略性。     

新加坡电子交易法的前瞻表征及启示

新加坡<电子交易法>引领国际电子商务立法趋势,推动电子签名立法第三波.联合国电子商务示范法、美加自由贸易协定和电子通信公约是新加坡制订和修订<电子交易法>的重要原因.经过6年的公众咨询和酝酿,新加坡对电子合同、电子记录、电子签名、认证机构和网络服务提供商责任等问题重新认识,并于2009年推出修订法案,与国际公约相一致,促进国际电子商务的发展.     

新加坡精神文明建设的经验启示

一、新加坡文明建设的成功表现对新加坡文化建设成果,在新加坡国内外有两种不同看法,一种认为它是“文化沙漠”;一种认为它很成功,也很有特色。文化沙漠论者认为新加坡建国后的前20年只注重经济建设,对文化关注太少,以致在文学艺术方面的创作甚差,社会流行的作品几     

论中国与新加坡自由贸易协定对自然人流动制度的突破及其启示

GATS框架下自然人流动制度的发展面临着困境.中国与新加坡自由贸易协定却实现了对于自然人流动多边制度的重大突破,突破的原因主要有:经济结构与人力资源禀赋的互补性、文化的亲缘性、政治结构的相似性.自然人流动制度未来的发展路径应该是:通过双边及区域性自由贸易协定,不断推进自然人流动自由化进程,为自然人流动多边制度的发展提供文化、政治和经济基础.     

新加坡的职业再造计划及其启示

为降低日益严重的结构性失业问题对劳动力市场的冲击,新加坡工会、雇主、政府三方合作推出职业再造计划,试图通过提升职业形象、改善劳动条件、在提高效率的基础上提高工资的方法增加这些职业的吸引力,并在现有职业的基础上识别和发掘出更多的就业机会以利新加坡人就业。新加坡的经验对中国解决结构性失业问题提供了有益的启示。     

新加坡:一个人的软实力

这位英国高等学府的优等生,以知英知新（即知彼知己）的智慧清除了老殖民主义者重返的土壤;并铸就了堪称世界一流的新加坡软实力。     

2014年新加坡:政治、经济与外交

2014年,新加坡政府在大选前推出系列改善民生的措施,加大社会发展支出,为大选积极备战;经济方面,受外部经济放缓影响,新加坡国内经济增速整体放缓,同比增长2.9%,政府推出措施推动产业转型,鼓励本土企业拓展海外市场;外交方面,新加坡依旧表现活跃,继续加强区域内及与中美合作关系,同时拓展、深化与其他大国/地区的多边合作。     

2011年新加坡:政治、经济与外交

2011年,新加坡顺利举行国会大选和总统大选,完成新老领导班子交接,但是大选结果也凸显了民众对政府的不满,赢回民心是新一届政府的首要任务。在经济方面,新加坡经济增长步伐整体放缓,政府逐步出台系列措施进行经济重整,给长期依赖外来劳动力的行业带来阵痛。在外交上,新加坡继续加强与周边国家的良好关系,加深与中美的双边经贸、安全防务等领域的合作,积极推动中美在亚洲地区良性合作的关系。最后,本文对2011年境内外出版的关于新加坡的中文学术研究成果进行简要回顾与介绍。     

新加坡2009:经济、政治与外交

本文是对2009年新加坡国内形势的简单回顾,主要分为经济与贸易、政府与政治以及外交与国际关系三大部分,最后对新加坡与中国的关系以及2009年国内出现的新加坡研究进行了简单介绍.     

新加坡政府网络信息传播平台建设的策略与启示

新加坡政府在信息化方面的战略规划由来已久,目前正在实施的智慧国2015计划更是政府重视信息化平台建设的体现。新加坡政府网络信息平台建设的成就得益于以公众需求为中心的理念,全面、开放、双向的公共服务平台,多个部门、一个政府的资源整合策略和优化政府信息化传播生态的管理机制。新加坡的经验给我们许多启示:提高政府信息传播平台的开放性和服务意识;建立双向沟通机制,提供公众参与的渠道;整合政府和社会资源,提高部门协调能力;建立强有力的组织领导和管理体系。     

Ordinary Singapore: The Decline of Singapore Exceptionalism

For decades Singapore’s ruling elite has sought to legitimate its rule by claiming to be a talented and competent elite that has made Singapore an exception among its neighbours – an exemplar of success and progress in a sea of mediocrity. In this article it is contended that this basis of legitimation has been irreversibly damaged. In essence, it is suggested that the governing People’s Action Party has lost control of the national narrative, and its achievements are increasingly regarded as being “ordinary” by the electorate. The mystique of exceptionalism, which was the basis on which the government was widely presumed to be above the need for close scrutiny and accountability, has collapsed. This collapse has substantially levelled the political playing field, at least in terms of expectations and assumptions. The government can and probably will continue to win elections and rule through its control of the instruments of institutional power, but the genie of scepticism and accountability has been released from its bottle, and it is hard to see how it can be put back in. This fundamentally changes the condition of Singapore politics: the narrative of exceptionalism is dead and the Singapore elite finds itself struggling to cope in a new and critical political environment.     

Everyday authoritarianism: a political anthropology of Singapore

Observers of Singapore agree that its state is authoritarian. Complicating such accounts of Singaporean authoritarianism, this paper shows authoritarianism is not simply state-driven or top-down as commonly assumed but involves diffuse governing processes. The paper describes a recent high-profile case involving Amos Yee, an eighteen-year-old blogger who made a video mocking Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s founding prime minister, shortly after Lee’s death in 2015. The teenager was incarcerated for the video, but only after ordinary citizens filed police reports and subjected him to online and physical abuse, suggesting that the people were acting as the state’s partners in punishment. Yee’s case shows that authoritarianism can have an everyday dimension and that it can be reproduced by ordinary citizens who punish fellow citizens perceived to be acting in adversarial manners towards the nation-state. The everyday authoritarianism of recent years is a reassertion of patriotism – a response to the insecurities caused by the rapid movement of people, capital, and ideas in the neoliberal economy. Everyday authoritarianism helps explain the longevity of Singaporean state authoritarianism, how it has managed to withstand multiple democratic challenges, and why it may survive long after Lee Kuan Yew, its chief architect, is dead.     

新加坡公民社会组织的兴起与治理中的合作网络

新加坡的政治文化和国家意识正在经历变迁."新加坡21远景计划"的制定反映并强化了这一变迁的趋势.这是新加坡公民社会及其组织兴起所必需的结构性因素.新加坡各类公民社会组织积极回应政治系统发生的变迁.现有组织力图淡化传统的角色功能,寻求赋予其自身新的合法性.新兴组织则利用大好机遇和可待开发的广阔社会空间努力发展自己.公民社会组织的兴起,为新加坡在稳健而又似乎缓慢的民主化进程中重新界定国家与社会的关系提供了新的路径.     

新马岛屿争端之判决:依据与启示

2008年5月23日,国际法院对新马岛屿之争做出判决,将白礁岛判给了新加坡.国际法院的判词表明:有力的证据,即官方在争端事项上代表政府权力行使的言词及行为是新加坡赢得白礁岛主权的关键.因此,进行相关研究,为通过法律途径解决中国与他国之间的领土争端解决提供充分的理论和事实依据,具有重要的意义.国际法院对一些证据效力的判定也启示我们:在涉及领土争端的问题时,国家间关系的利益权衡固然重要,但在权衡时,也要尽可能地考虑这种权衡将来在法庭上可能产生的证据因素和影响.     

The 2015 Singapore Swing: Depoliticised Polity and the Kiasi/Kiasu Voter

Abstract

The results of the 2015 Singapore general election (GE) saw the People’s Action Party (PAP) reverse the decline in support of the past few GEs. Many writers cited as some of the key reasons for PAP’s strong showing: a flight to safety, the superior PAP campaign, the personal popularity of Lee Hsien Loong, the 50 years of Singapore's Independence (SG50) feel-good factor, changes in government policies since 2011, direct government subsidies to the pioneer generation, the passing of Lee Kuan Yew, and the mainstream media’s attack on the credibility of the opposition. In this paper, the author offers an additional explanation, that is, the underlying causes of the PAP’s electoral success were the policies laid down after Singapore’s independence and some key cultural traits of this island nation. The policy of depoliticisation led to the creation of a social contract under which political liberties were voluntarily sacrificed in return for economic growth and prosperity. The author further argues that the cultural traits of kiasi and kiasu tipped the balance in favour of the PAP when voters decided that the outlook for the Southeast Asian region was negative and Singapore needed the PAP to steer the country during this period of uncertainty.     

Singapore: The Limits of a Technocratic Approach to Health Care

Being a tiny, easily managed polity run by Western-educated technocrats, Singapore is an ideal laboratory for those who believe that there is a “logical” answer to the problem of health-care funding in economically advanced societies. Certainly the ruling elite in this not-very-democratic country is convinced that Singapore is the epitome of a rational, technocratic state in which rule is based on supposedly impartial, objective criteria. The government's achievements in the delivery of health care are at the forefront of its showcase of technocratic achievements. This article uses the Singapore government's innovations in health-care funding as a case study to explore and test the limitations of trying to apply purist technocratic premises and methodologies to governance. The limitations it uncovers raise the question of whether a technocratic approach to governance can ever deliver the promised results and suggests that the attraction of “technocracy” is a chimera.