跨国公司在华投资经营本土化探析

20世纪90年代尤其是加入世贸组织以来,跨国公司为了实现全球发展战略的需要,加强与当地企业的竞争,在我国加大了投资经营的本土化力度,对我国经济发展产生了深远的影响.我国政府和企业应该对此引起足够的重视.作为政府应该规范跨国公司的本土化行为,促进跨国公司为我国经济发展服务.作为本土企业,应该做大做强自己,加强人才培养,增强技术创新能力,积极应对跨国公司的本土化竞争.     

跨国公司新动向

近10年来,中国作为世界上最具魅力的新兴市场之一,吸引着诸多跨国公司。随着大型跨国公司投资的逐步增多,其经营活动也出现本土化的新动向。管理本土化——地区总部搬迁热潮开始掀起在跨国公司全球网络中,生产制造中心、研究发展中心和管理运营中心是三种重要的节点。在这些经营网络的节点中,增加值最大的是管理中心。90年代以来,由于交通、通讯等基础设施以及知识密集型服务业的迅速发展,我国成为跨国公司的管理运营中心已成为现实。摩托罗拉公司在华有数十家研发中心和生产企业,是中国最大的外商投资企业。为了更好地管理好这些研发中心和企业,1998年,该公司花巨资在北京购买现代化的大楼,成立了摩托罗拉北亚     

跨国公司直接投资新动向及我国的对策选择

随着信息技术的进步和国际竞争压力的增大,跨国公司在华投资战略正发生着显著变化,呈现出以下新动向:一是越来越趋向于采用风险控制较强的管理模式.二是服务业正在成为跨国公司新的直接投资热点,三是投资越来越集聚在东部、东高西低态势日益明显,四是积极实施本土化战略.为了更好地抓住跨国公司时华投资战略调整的机遇,大力吸引并积极引导跨国公司投资.我国必须进一步开放外资进入新领域,加强国内引资环境建设,着力推进并购方式,积极促进区域分工合作,大力引进跨国公司区域总部、职能总部、研发中心和销售中心等,全面提高利用外资的水平.     

我国行政管理研究中民意调查工具的应用与思考

民意调查是行政管理研究的重要工具.近年来,民意调查在我国行政管理学界方兴未艾,确保其本土化、科学化和规范化是当务之急.调查者的客观性、样本的代表性、调查问卷的适当性、调查执行过程的严谨性、受访者回答的真实性和统计分析的正确性是确保民意调查成功的六大要件.反观我国行政管理研究中的民意调查实践,依然存在着受政府干预、基本数据缺失,行政管理理论本土化水平不够,信度和效度检验不规范,受访者主观上的不信任、不重视,研究人员知识结构不全面等影响民意调查质量的问题,因此,可以通过完善相关法律法规,普及民意调查知识,注重对人才的培养和有条件地公开调查数据等措施尝试改进.     

构建具有中国特色的公共管理理论体系

构建具有民族特性、国际影响的公共管理理论体系,是推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的迫切需求。我国公共管理学科建立三十多年来,本土化程度不足是我国公共管理理论体系发展的主要问题。从发展环境、价值追求、主体结构和实施方式等方面来看,"中国特色"是完善我国公共管理理论体系必须遵循的原则。立足于改革开放以来公共管理的实践经验,孵育出管用的话语体系、价值体系、知识体系、方法论体系,是构建具有世界一流公共管理学科的重要路径。     

公共行政学本土化:必要性、内涵与路径

本土化研究是我国公共行政学发展过程中必须关注的一个重要问题.我们认为,公共行政学本土化是一个长期的过程,其最终目标和根本价值诉求,乃是在扎实深广的知识学基础上,建立起自己的话语系统和解释系统,并最终形成具有自身特色的行政学术理论体系,以指导行政实践,推进我国政府管理模式创新和政府管理实践.为此,我们需要从建立一支本土化的研究队伍,壮大研究力量;重视中国行政实践与学理资源,夯实研究基础;倡导研究方法的多元化,完善行政学研究方法;以全面审视的眼光,批判地吸收西方已有的行政学研究成果等方面,推动我国公共行政学的本土化进程.     

应对跨国公司研发机构挑战

从20世纪90年代末开始,许多跨国公司纷纷宣布在中国建立研究与开发(R＆D)机构,特别是1998年美国微软公司和英特尔公司先后宣布将在中国投入巨资来建立研究中心,引起了各方关注。 这种现象的背后就是研究与开发全球化的迅猛发展。其表现在各国科学家之间越来越多跨国研究合作;迅速发展的政府之间双边或多边的研究开发合作;很多企业到海外设立研发机构和进行跨国技术联盟。其中跨国公司是最具有活力的部门,是研究与开发全球化的主要推动力量之一。 目前有学者认为,研究与开发全球化,已经成为继贸易金球化、生产全球化、金融资本化之后世界经济一体化的重要趋势。 我国目前技术水平落后,技术创新能力不强,依靠技术引进和技术模仿是增强技术能力的重要途径。跨国公司在全球技术发展中占有非常重要的地位,它们生产、拥有和控制了世界上大部分的先进技术,对国际技术转移作用明显。跨国公司研究与开发全球化现象是世界科技经济发展的新趋势,对我国来说,如何利用这一趋势促进在技术能力市场上与这些跨国公司直接竞争,技术学习和技术转移尤其重要。     

经济全球化背景下商务英语的本土化发展

当今世界,伴随着经济全球化的迅猛发展,各国经济贸易关系日益紧密,商务英语作为国际间商务交流的必要工具,其国际化的趋势更加势不可挡。然而从人文性的角度来看,由于各国间文化交流的促进作用,商务英语在国际化的同时,又出现了本土化倾向。中国是否能抓住此契机,在大力发展经济的同时,及时调整本国的战略目标,制定顺应经济全球化发展趋势的商务英语教育政策措施以及加快具有商务英语本土化人才的培养,将关系到21世纪中国经济与社会发展的前途与命运。     

全球化与公共管理：马克思主义的视野

马克思恩格斯通过对资本主义历史发展过程的分析,揭示了全球化的历史特征和趋势,并以这种全球化观点为基础,论述了公共管理的发展趋势.马克思恩格斯对全球化与公共管理关系的论述,为中国公共管理全球化进程提供了重要的理论工具和方法指引.在推进中国公共管理现代化的进程中,要树立全球眼光,融入全球规则,扬弃全球范式.     

我国跨国公司盈余管理影响因素及对策

近年来,跨国公司在推动经济全球化方面的作用日益显著.通过利用修正的Jones模型和多元回归方法对2007年深沪两市跨国公司进行实证研究,不难发现跨国公司的跨国经营程度和股权集中度与其盈余管理的程度之间存在着正相关关系.在我国,受公司治理结构不完善、外部监管制度不健全、国有化色彩较浓、行业垄断性强、跨国程度较低等诸多因素的影响,国内上市公司通过盈余管理影响投资者决策以及管理层和大股东侵犯中小股东的现象屡屡发生,极大地影响了投资者的信心和证券市场的有序发展.面要改变这一现状,必须进一步降低上市公司股权集中度,打破“一股独大”的局面,同对加强对踌国公司内部贸易的监管,建立健全完善的信息披露制度,实现对踌国公司盈余管理活动的有效监管和制约.     

Shaping Public Corporation Leadership in a Turbulent Environment

This article explores how public corporation leadership copes with a turbulent environment using political, managerial, and individual leadership elements. It is an in‐depth case study of Lee Ji‐Song, who effectively managed the politically and managerially challenging environment that resulted from the merger of two large public corporations into the Korea Land and Housing Corporation. Lee, an engineer, manager, and chief executive of a major construction company, took advantage of his political, managerial, and individual leadership capital to cope with political challenges from lawmakers and with managerial challenges such as postmerger integration management, organizational stabilization, and financial improvement. The authors suggest that an effective public corporation leader must be a skillful politician and businessperson, as public corporations often operate in an environment in which public and private values interact.     

Terrorizing the CPEC: managing transnational militancy in China–Pakistan relations

Despite the continuous risk posed by transnational militancy to Chinese interests in Pakistan, China and Pakistan have improved their cooperation on matters of security and economy in recent years. While transnational militancy in a state dyad is known to increase the potential for conflict, it may also spur interstate cooperation on counter-militancy operations under certain conditions. This article examines the sources of the increase in Sino-Pakistani cooperation in fighting transnational militancy. Pakistan was in the early 2000s the country where the Chinese experienced most militant attacks resulting in the cancellation of Chinese projects in Pakistan despite the dyad’s professed all-weather friendship. More than a decade later, the Chinese are back with a prospected $62 billion in investments in the China–Pakistan economic corridor (CPEC). This overarching incentive has altered the challenge of transnational militancy to their mutual relations from a mostly negative, to a more constructive one requiring costly cooperation. In a quest to secure a continuing relationship in a hazardous landscape, the state dyad is attempting to roll out a concerted security strategy involving the army, navy, paramilitary forces and private security companies. A mix of domestic policies of both states, their foreign policies and the nature of threat posed by the militants facilitates this cooperation.     

Personnel Constraints in Public Organizations: The Impact of Reward and Punishment on Organizational Performance

In recent years, many public sector reforms have attempted to loosen personnel constraints on the assumption that more managerial flexibility will increase organizational performance. The authors mount an empirical study to test this assumption using data taken from English local government authorities. Personnel constraints are operationalized using Rainey's long‐standing measures of the concept. Statistical results from multiple regression analyses indicate that “difficulty in removing poor managers” is harmful to organizational performance, but “difficulty in rewarding good managers” has no effect. The authors delve inside the organizational hierarchy and find that attitudes toward personnel constraints vary by organizational level and managerial rank: for example, frontline managers feel more constrained overall, while senior managers’ perceptions of constraints are more closely linked to organizational performance but in some unexpected ways. The implications of these findings, including the fact that personnel constraints have varying impacts on organizational performance, are considered.     

Global norms in domestic politics: environmental norm contestation in Cambodia's hydropower sector

Policymakers in many developing Asian countries have commonly relied on investment incentives as a major policy instrument to attract foreign investment. Using comparative case studies of Asian transnational corporations (TNCs) in Southeast Asia, this paper argues that investment incentives per se are ineffective in attracting foreign investment. The paper first examines the role of government incentives in the inflow of foreign investment, with particular reference to the Southeast Asian region. It then provides a comparative study of Hong Kong and Taiwanese investments. Hong Kong TNCs are shown to have invested in Southeast Asia because of market or market‐related reasons, not investment incentives per se. To these firms from Hong Kong, investment incentives are more a kind of post hoc rationalization of their decision making. For the Taiwanese investors in Malaysia, government incentives are less important than the existence of market access and the friendly host country environment. The paper also suggests some implications and specific policy recommendations for policymakers in host country governments. Instead of over‐reliance on investment incentives, host country governments should be more concerned with: 1) a commitment to internationalization through the promotion and marketing of international images; 2) the upgrading of domestic resources through continuous training and development; 3) a more efficient allocation of resources; 4) supra‐national coordination and promotion.     

What can Post‐Democracy tell us about TNCs and Extraterritorial Violations of Human Rights?

This article considers the problem of extraterritorial human rights violations committed by transnational corporations (TNCs), and draws on Crouch's framework in Post‐democracy to illustrate why the issue has proved so difficult for states to regulate. I begin by examining the problem of corporate regulation more generally, and set out Crouch's analysis to show why and how corporations have become so influential. The second section considers the area of business and human rights, and explains why there is ‘a governance gap’ in relation to extraterritorial human rights violations committed by corporations. The third section describes efforts at the international and domestic levels to regulate corporations in relation to this issue. It concludes that while new international principles and innovative hybrid schemes are playing a valuable role in norm creation and standard‐setting, the enforcement of these principles remains limited. Corporations have largely succeeded to date in their lobbying efforts to remain free of any direct obligations under international law.     

Japan’s uncertain security environment and changes in its legislative‒executive relations

Abstract

Focusing on Japan, this paper explores whether powers and competences in the political system are likely to be recalibrated in favour of the executive when the environment is perceived as increasingly threatening. It shows that the executive has been significantly strengthened during the past two decades of political reforms, though a closer look reveals that only the most recent efforts are motivated by security concerns. Case studies on military deployments and arms exports do not expose any clear trend towards curbing parliament’s formal control powers, but they indicate two related mechanisms that affect executive?legislative relations. Firstly, the executive has sought to ensure faster decision-making in security policy, which may limit the Diet’s ability to scrutinise policies in depth. Secondly, the level of contestation over security policy issues has been decreasing, especially given the securitisation of North Korea and China. This provides the executive with more leeway in devising policies.     

“外资有限并购论”与民族经济的保护

在跨国并购大潮下,民族经济面临生存危机,保护民族经济问题日显突出。本在重新界定“民族经济”概念和分析我国民族经济面临风险的基础上,着重提出“外资有限并购论”以及切实可行的保护措施。     

新时期我国文化体制改革的特点及趋势分析

我国新时期的文化体制改革已历经30多年,纵观我国文化体制改革历程,"分离"与"融合"是我国文化体制改革的鲜明特点,双重分离是文化体制改革的基础和关键,多要素融合是文化体制改革的主要内容和实现途径。在这一过程中,"分离"与"融合"相互渗透,相辅相成,"融合发展"将成为未来文化体制改革的必然趋势。     

Brand power and state power: Rise of the new media networks in East Asia

During the past decade, digital technology and global deregulatory forces have facilitated the restructuring of East Asia's mediascape - resulting in complex, internationalized relationships within the regional political economy. Transnational media corporations - such as AOL Time Warner and News Corporation - are negotiating strategically important positions in regional distribution and branded content markets, in the pursuit of 'consumer segments' that form the basis of multi-platform, mass-media customer relationships. In the early phase of the internationalization process, there were expectations that one result would be a more liberalized media discourse environment - eroding authoritarian governments' capacity to control information flows. Evidence to support this contention is unconvincing. Information-sensitive states, notably China, have developed strategies to mediate the distribution of mass information - often in partnership with compliant local entrepreneurs and the international media corporations who may also benefit from uncontroversial customer relationships. Prospects for a broader, richer media canvas might be enhanced by the parallel development of constructive, permissive media policies - underpinned by regulatory principles of modern public service communications and managed competition.     

Towards parliamentarisation of foreign and security policy?

Abstract

It is customary to argue that foreign policy is very much dominated by the executive, with parliaments wielding limited influence. However, with the exception of the US Congress, legislative?executive relations in the realm of foreign and security policy have attracted remarkably little scholarly attention. Drawing on a principal?agent framework, this collection scrutinises the conventional wisdom of ‘executive autonomy’ in foreign affairs, indicating that even though parliaments have arguably become more involved in foreign and security policy over time, any notions of parliamentarisation need to be treated with caution. While expectations of consensus in the name of the national interest continue to play an important role in foreign policy decision-making, the papers highlight the role of party-political contestation structuring parliamentary debates and votes in this increasingly politicised issue area. This introductory paper introduces the analytical framework and hypotheses guiding the contributions in this collection, summarises their main findings and suggests avenues for future research.