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1.
论和平解决克什米尔问题的途径   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
五十多年来 ,克什米尔一直是亚洲一触即发的热点。这一争端不仅给印巴两国带来了严重的后果 ,而且对亚洲和世界和平也构成了重大的威胁 ,国际社会对此高度关注和忧虑。尽管解决克什米尔问题的难度很大 ,但只要印巴双方能调整政策 ,以创造性思维进行思考和探索 ,认真总结五十多年来的经验和教训 ,既照顾过去的历史和背景 ,又照顾目前的实际情况 ,在解决问题的具体步骤上先易后难 ,问题是可以逐步解决的。作者就此提出了八点建议 ,供学术界研究时参考。  相似文献   

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Abstract

The political behaviour of ethnic Estonians and Slavs during the Soviet and transition (1989–1991) years reflects differing political orientations towards and grievances with the Soviet regime. Survey data from Estonia show that the reasons for non-voting during the Soviet era vary between ethnic Estonian and Slavic non-voters with ethnic Estonians choosing not to vote for system rejecting reasons. Estonians who did not vote in elections from 1983 to 1988 were more likely to be young, to live in urban areas and to have had a family member repressed. They were also much more likely to engage in petitioning, picketing, and meetings and demonstrations in support of independence between 1986 and 1990, especially if they did not vote for system rejecting reasons between 1983 and 1988. Non-voting among Slavs in the 1980's was not only much rarer than for Estonians with few citing system rejecting reasons for not-voting, but it had no relationship with later protest activities. Estonian non-voters joined independence organizations and increasingly voted during the transition years 1988–1990. But non-voting increased among Slavs in 1989 and 1990 during the transition, and some of this non-voting was clearly a form of protest against increasing Estonian influence over the state.  相似文献   

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Shifts in attitudes towards British migrants from the late 1940s to the late 1970s chart the development of a non-British Australia. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, British migrants were accorded a special prestige based on a belief that Australia and Britain had fought to defend shared imperial British values. Although British migrants protested at hostel conditions, public sympathy remained on the side of the migrants. The rise of the Whingeing Pom stereotype around 1960 reflects the declining weight of British wartime experience and a strengthening of the idea of an independent non-British Australia. The 1970s saw the ending of British preference, and the debate surrounding British activism in Australian trades unions raised the question of whether British migrants were now merely an ethnic group within a multicultural Australia.  相似文献   

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A look at the background, progress, challenges and positives related to the Nepad programme.  相似文献   

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推进韩国企业在山东投资的对策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
韩国企业在山东的投资是其在华投资的一个缩影.为促进韩国企业积极、合理、有效地在华投资,本文在深入分析韩国企业在山东投资存在的问题和遇到的困难的基础上,提出了若干相关对策建议.  相似文献   

7.
When dealing with terrorism as a threat to liberal democracy, it is a common assumption that it is the terrorists — who by definition refuse the rules of the liberal democratic "game"— who pose the greatest threat to the underlying principles and freedoms that are enshrined in this form of political life. However, in instances where the state fails to ensure that its response to terrorism is limited, well-defined and controlled, it is likely that institutionalised counter-terrorist policies will pose an even greater threat to the political and civil traditions that are central to the liberal democratic way of life. This paper demonstrates the potential danger by examining three cases when counter-terrorist policies initiated by (supposedly) liberal democratic entities came dangerously close to transplanting subversive terror from "below" with institutionalised, bureaucratised terror from "above": the "strategy of tension" initiated in Italy between 1969 and 1974; the Spanish "dirty war" against ETA between 1983 and 1987; and the abandonment of democratic rule in Peru between 1992 and 1996. The paper concludes that ultimately the effectiveness of the liberal democratic state's response to terrorism depends on its acceptability. It is therefore paramount that any solution which is initiated is made with due regard to the long term impact that it will have on the wider process of liberal democratic life.  相似文献   

8.
本文介绍菲律宾政府与商界对中国入世和CAFTA的看法,以及菲律宾政府所采取的逆向应对举措,并从菲律宾的"逆工业化"过程的特点,制造业滞后发展与中小企业惧变,菲律宾政府与商界关系的变化与互动,菲律宾政治的特点以及21世纪初期菲政府的经济外交政策等角度,作了深层次的原因探析.  相似文献   

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Books to review     
《亚洲研究》2013,45(1-2)
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Books to review     
《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):91-93
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Books to review     
Abstract

Taken together, these four books provide an intriguing narrative, not just of the significance of gender in social transformation in India, but also of the variety of ways this has been studied and conceived. They are, in many ways, remarkably diverse.  相似文献   

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Books to review     
BCAS 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1):80-81
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Abstract

The following article is part of a longer project by Suhas Paranjape, dealing with the historical development first of class relations and then of class struggle in Dhule district, which lies north of Bombay in the state of Maharashtra. The area involved is small, but it might be pointed out that this is true of other “vanguard” areas of class struggle in post-independence India, such as Naxalbari and Srikakulam which were also areas populated mainly by adivasis or tribals. Dhule differs from these in combining adivasi militancy with developed capitalist farming—and so perhaps is even more of a signal for the rising forms of class struggle in India.  相似文献   

20.
The February 2009 elections mark a water-shed in Israeli politics and highlight an increasingly rightward drift in Israeli politics: Labour had its worst ever result. The violent intifada shattered belief that negotiations with the Palestinians could ever be successful and the security barrier seemed increasingly necessary if Israel was to remain both Jewish and democratic. The coalition government constructed by Binyamin Netanyahu was carefully balanced and looks durable, the more so as, somewhat surprisingly, it includes Labour and Barak as defence minister. Kadima could face some hard days in opposition unless Netanyahu falls out with Washington, or the coalition collapses.  相似文献   

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