新加坡汇率与贸易收支关系的协整分析

自从70年代以来,新加坡出现了汇率不断升值和贸易收支顺差不断增加的并存局面,这与传统的“J”曲线效应理论相矛盾,形成了所谓的“新加坡贸易收支之谜”。由于汇率和贸易收支常常是非平稳时间序列,传统弹性实证分析中常用的古典计量方法就很难得到无偏有效估计量。本文采用非平稳时间序列的协整计量方法直接估算了新加坡汇率和贸易收支之间的关系,发现产生“新加坡贸易收支之谜”的原因在于:新加坡有着较高的美国需求弹性和较低的国内需求弹性,从而使得新加坡货币在不断升值的情况下还可以保持贸易收支顺差。导致这一情况出现的深层原因,是新加坡产业结构的转换和升级导致出口商品结构的优化。     

日元升值与日本对外贸易政策调整的绩效分析

198 5年以来 ,日元兑美元汇率升值幅度相当大 ,对日元升值与日本对外贸易变化之间的关系进行实证分析的结果表明 ,在日元升值期间 ,日本的出口贸易依然保持了较高的增长速度 ,进口增长却不像预期的那样快。产生这一现象的主要原因在于日本政府采取的一系列政策措施抵消了日元升值的不利影响。对于正面临着人民币升值压力的我国来说 ,应及早采取措施 ,预防可能出现的汇率波动冲击。     

韩国反倾销政策法规及其实践

韩国是世界上较早制定反倾销法的发展中国家,也是全球实施反倾销最为积极的国家之一,中国则成为韩国反倾销的首要目标国。韩国反倾销政策法规不仅是其对外实施反倾销的法律依据,也是其保护国内产业和市场最常用的贸易救济手段。韩国反倾销政策法规主要体现在韩国反倾销管理体制、实施反倾销的前提条件以及实施反倾销的具体措施等三个方面。韩国反倾销政策法规在实践中所具有的一些不同于其他国家或地区的特点,为中国应对未来韩国对华反倾销提供了有益启示。     

人民币汇率形成机制改革对中日贸易利益格局的影响

中日两国迅猛发展的经贸关系对东亚经济合作、整个世界经济的发展都会产生重要的影响;但在中日贸易利益分配格局中,我国却长期处于不利的地位。人民币汇率形成机制改革后,我国总价格贸易条件和中日双要素贸易条件将得到改善、比较价格水平将得到提升,同时也将促进我国产业和贸易结构升级,从而改善我国在中日贸易中的利益分配;但也应积极防御汇率双向浮动给中日贸易利益带来的风险和不确定性。     

越南外汇市场研究

在开放经济体中，汇率是影响一国宏观经济、通货膨胀率、国际竞争力、进出口情况、金融稳定性的显著变量。对于越南盾等非国际主要储备货币，其汇率主要形成于其国内外汇市场。本文对越南盾外汇市场的历史和发展现状进行研究。     

人民币汇率变动对中美贸易结构收支的影响——基于SITC分类标准的实证分析

人民币汇率变动能否解决中美双边贸易失衡问题一直是国内外学者研究与争论的焦点。实证分析表明,人民币汇率的水平变动无法起到调节中美两国贸易收支的作用,但适度增加汇率波动弹性有助于缓解贸易失衡。因此,只有消除对人民币升值的预期、进行经济结构调整以及改善外商直接投资的流向,才能从根本上恢复中美之间的贸易平衡。     

尼泊尔投资环境及中尼经贸现状分析

尼泊尔是我国的友好邻邦,经济发展较为落后,同时也正因为如此,尼泊尔对我国希望进军南亚的企业来说是个巨大市场。中尼之间经济具有较大的互补性,双边经贸合作存在较大的发展空间。本文主要介绍尼泊尔的贸易管理制度和投资管理制度以及中尼经贸合作的现状和影响双边经贸合作的因素等,供有关部门和企业参考。     

人民币汇率与中俄主要产品贸易分析

基于ARDL模型研究人民币汇率对中俄主要贸易品的影响,中对俄出口以"纺织品和机械制品"为样本,中从俄进口以"矿产品和木及木制品"为样本。研究结果显示:汇率升值不利于纺织品出口和木及木制品进口,但对机械制品出口和矿产品进口没有影响。俄罗斯国民产出增加对纺织品、机械制品出口有促进作用;中国国民产出增加对木及木制品进口影响较弱;矿产品进口主要受非经济因素影响。对此,应"扩大货币互换协议规模以规避纺织品、矿产品贸易的汇率风险;保持政治互信以稳定矿产品进口;积极发展产业内贸易以协调和促进未来中俄贸易发展"。     

日美经济关系失衡与日元国际化政策

日本的日元国际化政策并非是日本政府出于维系经济增长熨平经济波动而做出的自主性决定,而是在美元汇率走高、美国贸易赤字激增的背景下,迫于美国要求开放金融市场的压力而采取的政策措施。对日本来说,日元国际化只是追求金融大国地位的一环,而且货币国际化对货币发行国来说是一把"双刃剑",因此在实际执行中被排在其他政策目标之后。     

美国的新重商主义贸易政策与中美贸易摩擦发展趋势分析

新重商主义是重商主义贸易思想基于不同的利益与价值诉求在新时期的一种新形式的选择。在美国新重商主义贸易政策的影响下,频发的中美贸易摩擦有向长期化、高端化发展的态势。美国的新重商主义贸易政策主要体现在两方面:从鼓励出口的政策看,推动美元贬值提升制造业出口竞争力,并以绿色技术、设备、新能源为突破口,形成新的出口增长点与出口导向型战略;从限制进口的政策看,"两反两保"等贸易救济措施、"炭关税"等绿色贸易壁垒频出。     

Trade and Welfare Compensation: The Missing Links

This study uses theory from embedded liberalism to reorient the debate over efficiency versus compensation in the trade and welfare literature. We detail the causal mechanisms and provide empirical results that show how welfare spending can be a necessary condition to further trade liberalization. We argue that increases in welfare compensation lead to stronger public support for trade, which allows states to further advance along the path toward trade liberalization. Based on the 1995 and 2003 ISSP (International Social Survey Program) for 10 OECD countries, our multilevel statistical analyses (individual and country level) show that (1) workers in import-exposed sectors tend to strongly oppose trade, but this effect is substantially diminished when they receive unemployment compensation, and (2) public support for free trade is significantly associated with higher levels of trade openness.     

辽宁省产业结构与经济增长实证分析

从对辽宁省的产业结构状况及细分的行业结构状况进行实证分析发现:辽宁省的第三产业相对于第一和第二产业而言已经过大,它的增加值对国内生产总值的产出弹性较小,制约了其他产业对国内生产总值的贡献;在细分行业中,辽宁省的整体经济中能最有效地拉动经济增长的是第一产业和第二产业中的建筑业,其次是第三产业中的批发零售餐饮业。     

The Electoral Salience of Trade Policy: Experimental Evidence on the Effects of Welfare and Complexity

Why do some trade policies become electorally salient while others do not? While much of the literature argues that citizens act as a domestic constraint in the formation of trade policy, a general consensus has emerged that trade is most often a nonsalient issue among voters. This poses a paradox. On the one hand, trade models hinge upon voters’ rational self-interest and preferences for varying levels of protectionism to keep their governments accountable. On the other hand, the conditions by which trade becomes salient to these very voters in the first place are both undertheorized and untested. Using experimental evidence, I argue that two dimensions of a trade policy affect the likelihood of that issue becoming electorally salient. First, policies with large welfare effects should be more salient. Second, more complex issues should be less salient because such agreements are more likely to obfuscate an individual’s ability to discern its effects. I find support for my hypotheses that a trade policy’s salience tends to increase with the magnitude of its welfare effects and decrease with its complexity.     

The Politics of Preferential Trade Liberalization in Authoritarian Countries

While autocracies constitute a third of all signatories of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), very little research has explained why some autocrats join PTAs while others do not. We argue that this variation reflects the leader’s degree of vulnerability to elite-led coups during leadership change–whether a leader enters power legally or extralegally. New extralegal leaders are more vulnerable than new legal leaders, which encourages extralegal leaders to use PTAs to both build support from exporters and pressure disloyal importers. We test our hypotheses using a dyadic data set of 120 autocracies from 1960 to 2014. Our results show that extralegal leaders sign more and deeper PTAs than legal leaders. Moreover, we find that extralegal leaders with a high risk of coups are more likely to form deep PTAs than extralegal leaders with a low risk of coups. In line with our argument, we also provide evidence that extralegal leaders sign trade agreements that are likely to be enforced. Our article has implications for the political economy of trade and for development studies.     

加强文化交流 促进中俄关系全面发展——中俄文化交流问题的思考

加强中俄文化交流具有重要现实意义 ,中俄文化交流有助于克服跨国经营的障碍 ,有助于推进中俄经贸合作、特别是边境贸易的健康发展 ,有利于促进两国文化产业的发展 ,有利于促进中俄关系全面发展 ,有利于坚持发展有中国特色的社会主义文化。开展中俄文化交流要有一个开放的、容纳百川的、自信的文化心态 ,要注重多领域、多方面、深层次的文化交流。黑龙江省应该探索文化交流的新途径 ,保持和发展黑龙江的历史文化优势和俄语人才比较优势 ,要充分利用互市贸易区的方便条件 ,形成“文化特区” ,开展丰富多彩的文化交流活动     

美国金融危机对东亚新兴经济体的贸易传染渠道分析

美国金融危机到底以何种方式在全球传播，以至于演变成全球经济海啸，一直是近几年学术界所关注的问题之一。本文以美国金融危机对外传播的贸易传染渠道为切人点，分析了美国金融危机通过贸易伙伴型传染和贸易竞争对手型传染这两个贸易传染子渠道对东亚新兴经济体的溢出程度。对面板数据进行的GLS实证结果显示，美国金融危机通过贸易传染渠道的溢出，与大部分东亚新兴经济体经济波动之间存在10％以上显著性水平的相关性，因而贸易传染渠道是美国金融危机对东亚溢出的一个重要机制。     

The Political Economy of Developing Country Antidumping Investigations against China

This article draws on industry-level data to analyze the political economy of the use of the antidumping statute by 10 less developed countries (LDCs) against China. Test results suggest that Chinese import competition is an important factor explaining the pattern of LDC antidumping initiation against China. Macroeconomic factors such as gross domestic product growth rate also play some role in influencing the pattern of LDC antidumping determination against China. Importantly, statistical analyses did not yield any evidence suggesting that China's membership in the World Trade Organization has disciplined developing countries' use of the antidumping policy. The paper conjectures that China's Most-Favored-Nation status under the World Trade Organization, the designation of China as a nonmarket economy in antidumping investigations until 2016, and the retaliatory incentives generated by the growing deflection of Chinese exports to developing country markets may have overwhelmed the institutional effect of the trade organization in shaping the pattern of LDC antidumping decision making toward China.     

俄罗斯的战略性贸易政策倾向——以汽车工业保护为例

俄罗斯在汽车工业领域采取了长期和短期政策相结合的支持政策,其中带有显著的战略性贸易政策倾向。作为一种鼓励创新的贸易政策,却在一个相对传统的行业中发挥作用,这是俄罗斯产业结构、市场结构和政府偏好相互作用的结果。正确理解政策发挥作用的充要条件,正确认识保护和竞争的关系,才能够正确制定和实施战略性贸易政策。俄罗斯的政策实践有着独特的借鉴意义。     

汇率及其波动与日本对华直接投资

日本是我国重要的贸易伙伴和外商直接投资来源国。影响日本企业对我国直接投资的因素可能有多种,本文拟从汇率因素切入,并以日本对华直接投资的事实数据和特征为背景,研究日元与人民币双边真实汇率对日本对华直接投资的影响。首先通过GARCH模型对双边真实汇率的波动进行测算,然后以此变量和真实汇率变量为基础,通过脉冲响应函数和方差分解技术,研究真实汇率水平及其波动对流入我国的日本FDI带来的影响。模型结果显示,双边真实汇率及其波动均对FDI产生了显著影响,而且该影响同理论预期相吻合,说明真实汇率是影响日本对华直接投资的重要因素,现阶段保持人民币汇率的相对稳定性有利于日本对华直接投资的增长。     

Economic Interests and Threat Assessment in the US Congress, 1890–1914

Why do some domestic actors see the international environment as a threatening place populated by untrustworthy powers, when others find opportunities for peaceful cooperation in the same conditions? Because these actors confront the same international environment, the reasons for their divergent evaluations must rest on differences in their own beliefs and interests. In this article, we consider the impact of societal interests in trade and trade protection on elite assessments of the international environment. We examine evaluations of the international environment in speeches given in the US Congress during naval appropriations debates between 1890 and 1914. The manufacturing sector’s interest in trade protection led political leaders who represented manufacturing regions to offer more negative assessments of the international environment, while those representing export-oriented agricultural areas of the country gave more positive evaluations. These effects were roughly comparable to those associated with party, as well as individual-level characteristics, such as having served as a military officer.