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1.
相互依赖理论和博弈论是第三次国际关系理论大论战中引人注目的理论。把这两种理论结合起来分析中日关系是非常有效的分析方法。近年来,有中国学者提出对日外交新思维,但作者认为,无论从相互依赖理论还是博弈论出发,中国都无法放弃对日外交的现实主义态度。 相似文献
2.
区域安全复合体内部主导权竞争常常会引发大国战争。从理性角度讲,倾向于发动主导权战争的国家要么具有\"趋势优势\",要么具有\"实力优势\"。但却无法解释为何有些国家既没有\"趋势优势\",也没有\"实力优势\",却依然倾向于对\"实力较强且趋势占优\"的国家发动主导权战争。趋势焦虑不仅可以解释传统理论中守成大国对新兴大国的防御性进攻倾向,更可以解释如果守成大国通过战略打压成功地扭转了新兴大国的崛起趋势,那么新兴大国反而可能因趋势焦虑而选择防御性进攻。避开从传统权力结构性分析路径,而通过引入战略心理学的\"趋势焦虑\"概念并构建防御性进攻主义的广义理论,将对区域主导权竞争中何者更具进攻性意愿有着更强的解释力和预测力。同时,传统理论认为,霸权国在区域主导权竞争中倾向于依据静态的权力结构性而扶持区域次强国,进而达到抑制权力占优方的目标。但从战略势能演变的动态性视角分析,霸权国在区域主导权竞争中并非一贯倾向对区域次强国予以支持,而是更倾向对\"趋势占劣\"或\"战略匹配高\"的地区大国予以支持,哪怕其权力尚处于优势地位。 相似文献
3.
四个内部维度（即能力、意图、利益和决心）以及一个外部维度（即外部环境）对于我们理解他人的行为是必不可少的。不确定性在其中的任一维度内均发挥着作用。作者构建了一种新的行为归因理论,认为不确定性的五个维度不仅能各自独立地给人们的认知造成不同困难,而且它们之间的互动也对人们的认知构成了更加难以应对的挑战。更重要的是,这种认知挑战在冲突情境与合作情境中的表现是有所区别的。缺乏对这些不同的、并且能够互相影响的挑战的认识已然对国际关系的研究造成了一定的困扰。把握好这五个维度,了解人们在理解它们时易于出现的各种偏差,对于理解国家在合作或冲突情境中的行为来说是至关重要的。文章的理论框架还指向一些特定的假说,而这些假说可以通过经验与实验方法加以验证。 相似文献
4.
经过60余年的物质性和社会性成长,中国的国家实力已经有了明显提高。中国实力的增长和美国实力的相对衰退使中美之间出现了权力转移现象。由于中国坚持和平发展道路和对现存国际秩序持基本满意的态度,中美之间的权力转移未必引起冲突与战争,权力能否和平转移取决于美国对中国崛起的战略判断。中美之间的权力转移并不意味着中崛美落,而是中美和其他主要国家或国家集团一道在国际事务中发挥重要作用。 相似文献
5.
对于崛起的中国而言,采取系统性战略安抚,树立自我克制的负责任大国形象有助于赢得周边国家信任。然而,在二十多年睦邻外交实践中,东南亚国家始终对崛起的中国的意图感到焦虑,这种担忧因地理邻近性与实力不对称而变得更加敏感。2008年以来,东南亚国家对中国\"核心利益\"话语、逐步增多的外交制裁以及多边倡议给予了较大关注。面对东南亚国家上升的安全忧虑,中国外交主动释放安抚信号增信释疑。与强制策略不同,安抚策略关注如何从正面激励换取他国的信任。立足于对现有文献的批判性整合,重新梳理善意信号的呈现形式(情感-物质)与成本来源(内生-外生)两大维度,可以从逻辑上生成四种睦邻安抚信号的表达路径:睦邻话语、相互依赖、无私援助与制度约束。面对中国的吸引与安抚,东南亚国家也会主动进行试探与甄别,以讨价还价、社会化、对冲试探和制度牵制四种方式,对中国释放的安抚信号进行评估。由于安抚信号的可信度评估具有主观性,东南亚国家对中国安抚信号存在不同理解,中国外交需换位思考并理解东南亚国家的试探心理。 相似文献
6.
Power shifts and especially power transitions in the international system areoften associated with (military) confl ict. Power Transition Theory (PTT) does offer ananalysis of this phenomenon but no remedy. We suggest easing the tensions related toongoing worldwide power shifts by introducing a new informal multilateral securitygovernance institution, based on the idea of a concert of powers. The historical EuropeanConcert of the 19th century prevented the outbreak of great power wars for more than ageneration by providing a cooperation framework, based on shared norms and commonprocedures. In this article we explore the possibility of utilizing a modernized concertof powers as a framework for managing the coming power shifts. In order to do so, weintroduce two new elements in Power Transition Theory: (1) the importance of the (dis)satisfaction of the declining hegemon with the anticipated future order, and (2) a broadermultilateral framework of major powers that overcomes the Power Transition Theory’straditional bilateral “duel” situation. On this basis, institutionalized power transitionmanagement becomes possible. We then work out the norms, strengths and weaknessesof the historical concert and update it with a few new features that would be necessaryfor it to be successful in the 21st century. 相似文献
7.
国际体系中的权力更迭,尤其是权力转移,常常与(军事)冲突相伴。权力转移理论对此现象做出了分析,却没有提出解决之道。因此可以在大国协调的基础上,建立一套全新的非正式多边安全治理机制,以缓和目前全球权力更迭出现的紧张局势。19世纪的欧洲协调机制,以共同的规范和程序为基础,通过建立合作框架,在一代人的时间里,避免了大国之间的战争。文章以现代大国协调机制为框架,探索管控未来权力更迭的可行性,并借此为权力转移理论补充了两点新内容:衰落霸权国对未来秩序的(不)满意情绪的重要性;以更广泛的大国多边合作框架,取代权力转移理论传统的双边\"决斗\"情势。唯有在此基础上,才能实现机制化的权力转移管控。 相似文献
8.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):145-157
This paper is attempting, first, to present a brief overview over the policies of economic reform in the PRC between 1979 and 1988 and their quantitative results; second, to shed some light on those economic and social developments since the mid‐1980s which foreshadowed the spring crisis of 1989; and, third, to introduce initial thoughts on the future perspectives for China, which have to be discussed as alternative projections that appear as equally possible although not equally probable. 相似文献
9.
缅甸油气资源开发的地缘政治博弈及其对我国的影响 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
缅甸得天独厚的地缘优势和丰富的油气资源引起了世界的关注。为获取能源、保障本国经济发展,相关国家在缅甸展开了激烈的竞争,因此,对缅甸油气资源开发的地缘政治博弈接踵而至。缅甸政府也利用油气作为一种外交手段和工具,达到其在政治、经济上的目的。 相似文献
10.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):343-366
Because of its costliness, military mobilization is generally seen as a mechanism by which high-resolve leaders can credibly signal their high resolve in international crises, thereby possibly overcoming informational asymmetries that can lead to costly and inefficient war. I examine how power-shifts caused by mobilization within a crisis can lead to commitment-problem wars. In a simple ultimatum-offer crisis bargaining model of complete information, war occurs if and only if the power-shift caused by mobilization exceeds the bargaining surplus, which is Powell's (2004, 2006) general inefficiency condition for commitment-problem wars. When private information is added, and hence mobilization potentially has a stabilizing signaling role, under certain conditions the commitment problem overwhelms the signaling role and mobilization leads to certain war. Finally, I analyze an infinite-horizon model that captures the reality that mobilizing takes time, and find that commitment-problem wars occur under broader conditions than the general inefficiency condition implies. 相似文献
11.
博弈论和国家利益等相关理论对于研究俄日两国"北方四岛"领土纠纷问题,有较强的解释力。日本不会放弃对"北方四岛"的索要,而俄罗斯也不会轻易归还或部分归还"北方四岛",甚至必要时会加强在"北方四岛"乃至远东地区的军力部署。俄日两国在资本和自然资源方面分别具有不同的比较优势,在博弈模型的纳什均衡中:俄罗斯选择"据守",日本选择"索要,合作"。"北方四岛"问题将会变得长期化。该领土问题的解决,将取决于未来国际政治经济形势,取决于俄日两国彼此之间权力的消长,取决于两国之间的新的博弈均衡。 相似文献
12.
Jeremy W. Lamoreaux 《European Security》2014,23(4):565-582
The interest in small states ebbs and flows as important international affairs include small states. Russia's actions and policies vis-à-vis Ukraine, and the resultant intensified apprehension among Russia's smaller neighbours, aim the proverbial microscope at the size and power discrepancies between states. Russia, by most metrics, is a large state and the Baltic states, by those same metrics, are small states. Small-state scholars expect large and small states to act differently. However, the case of Russia and the Baltic states indicates that large and small states do not, in fact, act all that different. This being the case, this article calls into question many of the assumptions made by small-state scholars about the difference between large- and small-state action and argues for changes within small-state studies as a subdiscipline of the larger international relations discipline. 相似文献
13.
Afxentis Afxentiou 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2018,11(2):301-320
This article argues that an historical investigation of air power makes possible the critique of current regimes of drone surveillance and bombing as a practice of state terrorism. By identifying certain key themes regularly used in terrorism studies for the classification of violence as “terrorism”, this article shows that early air power theorists understood military aircraft as essentially instruments of terrorism. A central argument permeating these theorists’ conception of air power was that the military value of aviation lay in its capacity to target the enemy’s population and, by means of bombing, generate a significant “moral effect” – that is, a psychological effect against the morale of civilians. This strategic formula constituted a central component of British air control schemes during the interwar period, where terror bombing was deployed systematically in order to control and pacify colonial populations. In arguing that widespread and long-lasting terror remains an inalienable feature of air power, this article concludes with a call for a critique that accounts for the fact that current deployments of armed drones – for instance, the US “targeted killings” programme – effectively reproduce these historical and material conditions of terrorist violence. 相似文献
14.
Peter T. Coleman Katharina G. Kugler Lan Bui‐Wrzosinska Andrzej Nowak Robin Vallacher 《Negotiation Journal》2012,28(1):7-43
The field of conflict resolution is fractured. Despite many decades of fine research, we still lack a basic unifying framework that integrates the many theories of conflict dynamics. Thus, the findings from research on conflict are often piecemeal, decontextualized, contradictory, or focused on negative outcomes, which contributes to a persistent research‐practice gap. In this article, we describe a situated model for the study of conflict that combines separate strands of scholarship into a coherent framework for conceptualizing conflict in dyadic social relations. The model considers conflict interactions in the context of social relations and employs prior research on the fundamental dimensions of social relations to create a basic framework for investigating conflict dynamics. The resulting model is heuristic and generative. We discuss the theoretical context and main propositions of this model as well as its implications for conflict resolution practitioners. 相似文献
15.
《中国国际问题研究》2024
The world is undergoing unparalleled, momentous changes never seen in a century. The European Union (EU) has continuously adjusted its Africa policy in response to the changing international landscape. Since the first EU-Africa Summit held in 2000, the EU's policy towards Africa has undergone many adjustments. The EU hopes to develop a partnership of equals instead of the traditional \"donor-recipient\" relationship to highlight the strategic, equal and reciprocal nature of its relations with Africa. 相似文献
16.
In this article, we examine the relationship between hardening a target and the value that a terrorist group derives from attacking it. We use a simple expected value framework to compare how the expected value of attacking a hardened target varies between a violence-based approach, where terrorists are presumed to be maximizing the physical damage done to the target, and a signaling-based approach, where terrorists are presumed to be maximizing the symbolic value of their attack. We argue that, if it is proper to understand terrorist attacks as costly signals of terrorist strength or determination, hardening a target actually increases the expected value of attacking a target (relative to its value before hardening), even if the attack fails. We go on to examine the evolution of aviation security, and trace how al-Qaeda's views of airplanes and airports as targets have changed since 9/11. As aviation targets were hardened with increasingly onerous security measures, al-Qaeda began to see even attacks that did not result in detonation as successes, in large part because of what they signaled about al-Qaeda's abilities, and the ability of al-Qaeda to impose costs on the U.S. and other countries even in the absence of explosions. 相似文献
17.
Foreign aid is usually seen as a form of international cooperation. Thus, the expectation is that states engaged in international rivalry with one another should be unlikely to provide each other aid. However, they do provide their enemies aid. We consider how situations of uncertainty influence aid transfers between states. We argue that states may provide each other aid to limit uncertainty from potential regime changes that could lead to war. Such uncertainty is particularly bad for rivals who are prone to militarized conflict. We find that rivals may provide one another foreign aid when one of the countries is experiencing regime-threatening levels of domestic instability. We compare these results to the behavior of nonrivals and find that: Rivals are likely to provide their enemies aid in times of uncertainty; rivals are no less likely to give aid to each other than are nonrivals; and rivals provide more aid during times of instability than do nonrivals. 相似文献
18.
Sovereign creditworthiness is as much a function of politics as economic fundamentals. Previous research has focused on the relationship between creditworthiness and political factors such as regime type, regional effects, and international organization membership. These factors, while important, often change slowly and do not always capture the more dynamic political determinants of creditworthiness. As an alternative, this study focuses on the role of leaders. We argue that leaders’ tenure reduces uncertainty in the sovereign credit market. Time in power allows leaders to better manage expectations related to sovereign credit policy of both domestic supporters and market actors. As a result, we expect that creditworthiness improves as a leader’s tenure increases. We find supporting evidence for our argument using two distinct empirical approaches: panel data analysis and a natural experiment. Our findings provide a better understanding of the relationship between leaders, politics, and sovereign credit. 相似文献
19.
Daehee Bak 《国际相互影响》2016,42(5):797-819
Extant research has shown considerable interest in whether host countries’ political uncertainty impedes foreign direct investment (FDI). Building upon the scholarly consensus on the adverse impact of political uncertainty on FDI, this article demonstrates that the extent to which investment climates are unpredictable varies cyclically, on the basis of election timing in democracies and leadership turnover in autocracies. The empirical results show that in presidential democracies, FDI tends to slowly increase after an executive election and then decline as the next executive election nears. However, I find that an electoral investment cycle is not found in parliamentary democracies where election timing is irregular, less predictable, and endogenous to domestic economic conditions. I also find that a similar political investment cycle exists in autocracies not through electoral cycle but through leadership tenure cycle. The level of FDI inflows tends to be relatively low early in autocrats’ tenure when political uncertainty is high and rise as autocratic leadership tenure increases over time but eventually wane again as autocratic leadership is destabilized in the late period of power transition. The findings indicate the existence of heterogeneous political investment cycles, depending on regime type. 相似文献
20.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):93-115
It is widely recognized that many of the samples we use for statistical analysis in international politics are the result of some selection process. Not surprisingly, selection models are becoming increasingly popular. At the same time, the role of strategic interaction has begun to play a more important role in statistical analyses. However, it has not been clear how statistical strategic models and selection models relate to each other, or what the effects are of employing one when the other is the more appropriate model. In this article, I 1) clarify why international relations scholars cannot shield themselves from selection bias simply by assuming their results are limited to a given sample; 2) show how recent statistical strategic models relate to traditional selection models and generalize the two sets of models by deriving a correlated strategic model; and 3) examine the effects of misspecifying either correlated errors or strategic interaction. My results indicate that failure to model the strategic interaction produces worse specification error than failure to account for correlated disturbances. In fact, traditional bivariate probit models appear to be superior only when states are almost completely uncertain about each others' preferences. 相似文献