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1.
1988年以来缅甸的对外经济关系有了长足的发展,并对缅甸经济以及内政外交产生了重要影响。本文从政治-经济及其互动的角度分析缅甸对外经济关系发展的成效和特点以及对缅甸所具有的意义。文章认为,缅甸的对外经济关系对缅甸军政府的维系至关重要,但由于受到西方国家制裁的严重制约,对缅甸国内经济的支持有限。  相似文献   

2.
After reviewing the advantages and disadvantages in using simulations to teach International Relations, this paper develops pedagogy for using simulations to teach International Relations (IR) theory. After discussing methods for integrating simulations into a class on IR theory the paper then goes on to present three simulations and the theories that they can be used to teach. The three simulations are the Classical Realism Game, Prisoner's Dilemma to the N th degree, and Diplomacy. Finally, the three simulations are compared.  相似文献   

3.
    
The furore that greeted news that negotiations were to start on a transatlantic free trade agreement revealed not only the potential importance of any putative deal, but also the tendency of Europeans to view international politics almost uniquely in economic terms. This neglect of security and broader geostrategic issues is short-sighted and dangerous. It is precisely the liberal world order in place since the Second World War that has allowed Europeans to develop their economic potential. Leaving it to the United States to preserve that order is an increasingly problematic strategy, with the US ever more reluctant to police the world in the way it once did. The US has, for many years, asked its partners to contribute more to the preservation of common security interests. Given the failure of these attempts to date, it might be time for Washington to resort to tougher tactics in an attempt to entice Europeans out of their geostrategic retirement.  相似文献   

4.
霸权是国际关系的伴生物。农业社会霸权国家具有明显的军事强权特性,工业社会霸权国家具有明显的工业强权特性,信息社会霸权国家初步显形知识霸权的特性。数字鸿沟的浮现使得国际关系中的知识霸权凸现,成为发达国家获利、强国和称霸的利器,科学的认识和探讨知识霸权对当代国际关系的影响具有重要的理论和现实意义。  相似文献   

5.
黄凤志 《东北亚论坛》2002,(2):88-91,94
人类社会的全球化进程始于近代资本主义的对外扩张 ,西方资本主义国家在全球化的发展过程中始终扮演了推动者的作用。全球化的发展透视出一个以经济为中心 ,逐步向政治、文化等领域扩散的发展态势。西方国家在推动全球化发展的过程中 ,利用其资本、技术、信息和组织的优势 ,一直谋求把资本主义的经济模式、政治制度、价值观念和西方文化推向全球 ,构建西方发达国家主导的世界秩序。  相似文献   

6.
Role-playing simulations are frequently claimed to be effective pedagogical tools in the teaching of international relations (IR); however, there is a surprising lack of empirical evidence on their classroom utility. The assessment of simulations remains mostly anecdotal, and some recent research has found little to no statistically significant improvements in quantitative measures of academic performance among students who participated in them [for example, International Studies Perspectives (2006), vol. 7, pp. 395; International Studies Perspectives (2008), vol. 9, pp. 75–89]. Scant research has been conducted on how role-playing simulations might affect students' perceptions of the instructor's teaching. This paper investigates whether a simulation had statistically significant effect on students' exam scores in an IR course or on student teaching evaluation scores.  相似文献   

7.
国际政治安全秩序观是有关国家对国际政治安全秩序的性质、发展趋势、维护路径、本国与之关系等问题的看法、立场和主张的总和,对国家对外行为有重要影响。作为一种抽象的国家观念,它既可见于国家对外政策权威文件,也体现在一国有关国际政治安全问题的对外行为中。通过中俄对外政策文件,考察两国国际政治安全秩序观之异同,并结合中俄有关国际政治安全问题的外交行为,特别是两国在安理会的投票,可以逆向透视两国国际政治安全秩序观。这种互补性研究路径结合文本解读与对外行为分析,使二者彼此验证,可弥补单一路径之偏颇。中俄均主张维护以联合国为核心的国际政治安全秩序的稳定,推动多极化秩序朝更加公正合理的方向发展,维护国际公平正义,反对军备竞赛和外空军事化,反对霸权主义和强权政治,尊重公认的国际法准则与和平共处五项原则,主张通过政治和外交途径解决国际冲突,并非西方所谓的“修正主义国家”。中俄两国在对多极化的理解、维护国际政治安全的手段和依靠力量、欧亚地区秩序、对以联合国为核心的国际安全制度的尊重程度等方面有异。比较而言,中国之“言”(国际政治安全秩序声明)与“行”(维护国际政治安全秩序之行为)更显一致。  相似文献   

8.
冷战结束以来,格鲁吉亚与俄、美保持着紧密而复杂的政治经济关系,俄美也都表现出对格的争夺之意。尤其是"9.11"事件后,美以反恐为名进军中亚,俄罗斯不能置地缘战略安全利益于不顾,奋力与美角逐格鲁吉亚,维护俄南部局势的稳定和传统的势力范围,而美亦不会停止反恐的脚步,与俄争夺格鲁吉亚和中亚国家的控制权。因此,传统的格俄关系发展方向存在极大的不确定性和不稳定性,除去两国自身因素,美国是对二者关系产生影响的重要因素之一。  相似文献   

9.
    
This article explores what political science literature has to say about the promises and perils of expanding democratic governance. International relations literature and comparative politics literature both deal with the claim that stable democracies do not fight each other. However, these two strands of literature only to a minor extent exchange research findings on the causes of war. International relations scholars are well aware of the fact that the early stages of democratization in particular may trigger conflict, and they explain that they are referring to the size of a country's power and the distribution of capabilities among the major powers, among other factors. In contrast, comparativists focus on the opening of domestic political space. In a transitional state, open political space fosters elite competition, which cannot be regulated by weak political institutions and therefore may cause civil war. They are less aware of the fact that these internal dynamics may even enhance the risk of political violence beyond territorial borders. Both of these approaches must be used to focus on the consequences of democratization on a regional scale. In ‘bad neighbourhoods’, including the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East and the Great Lakes in Africa, democratization can trigger conflict beyond state frontiers by altering the incentives and opportunities of political actors.  相似文献   

10.
This article explores the concept of "human security" as an academic and fledgling policy movement that seeks to place the individual—or people collectively—as the referent of security. It does this against a background of evolving transnational norms relating to security and governance, and the development of scientific understanding that challenges orthodox conceptions of security. It suggests that human security is not a coherent or objective school of thought. Rather, there are different, and sometimes competing, conceptions of human security that may reflect different sociological/cultural and geostrategic orientations. The article argues that the emergence of the concept of human security—as a broad, multifaceted, and evolving conception of security—rreflects the impact of values and norms on international relations. It also embraces a range of alliances, actors, and agendas that have taken us beyond the traditional scope of international politics and diplomacy. As a demonstration of change in international relations, of evolving identities and interests, this is best explained with reference to "social constructivist" thought, in contradistinction with the structural realist mainstream of international relations. In a constructivist vein, the article suggests that empirical research is already building a case in support of human security thinking that is, slowly, being acknowledged by decision-makers, against the logic of realist determinism.  相似文献   

11.
Political cartoons are an excellent classroom tool to build students' critical thinking skills, to generate lively classroom discussions, and to get students excited about politics. Cartoons should be treated as serious commentary on political affairs. Interpreting a cartoon requires that the viewer be familiar with current issues and debates, savvy about the cultural context, and capable of analytical judgments. This technique capitalizes on the visual learning style of many students and interjects an added interactive dimension to classroom discussions. This article discusses some of the challenges of using cartoons in the classroom, including where to locate them. The text is accompanied by several representative cartoons.  相似文献   

12.
战后日苏关系是影响东亚地区国际关系格局的一对重要的双边关系,同东亚地区其他国与国之间的双边关系相比战后日苏关系具有十分明显的特点;既有战胜国与战败国之间关系的特点,又有冷战中相互对立阵营中的主、配角之间的关系的特点。从地缘政治上看,日俄虽然是东北亚的邻国,但是由于历史的、现实的、经济的、文化的原因,两国关系又更多地表现出欧亚国家关系的特点。日苏两国在意识形态、社会制度和主流政治文化上存在很大的差异,因此,战后日苏关系又呈现出社会主义国家和资本主义国家关系的特点。  相似文献   

13.
Hugh Cortazzi 《Japan Forum》2016,28(3):394-412
Abstract

Since the Japan Festival in the UK in 1991 some significant studies in English have been published about Anglo-Japanese relations. Two sets of volumes stand out. These are the five volumes in the History of Anglo-Japanes Relations 1600–2000 and the ten volumes in the series Britain and Japan: Biographical Portraits which have covered up to six hundred British and Japanese personalities and themes. Some aspects of Anglo-Japanese relations and some personalities deserve further attention. Cultural exchanges have developed greatly in the seventy years since the end of the Second World War and merit research and analysis. Considerably more detailed work needs to be done on Anglo-Japanese trade and financial relations and on Japanese investment in the UK and British investment in Japan.  相似文献   

14.
    
The European Union's response to the Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has been widely perceived as unprecedented. This article examines how this could be, considering the long track record of disagreement amongst EU member states over foreign policy vis-à-vis Russia. It is argued that whilst the Russian invasion had a decisive impact on member states' security threat perceptions, realist explanations of the EU's forceful response encounter limitations: Germany and France, the EU's most influential powers, were not the drivers of the EU's joint actions during the first months following the invasion, as they struggled to redefine their national security interests. Against this background, this article takes a different perspective. It asks in what kind of intersubjective context the EU's initial response became meaningful and rational, allowing for agreement to emerge amongst the member states on a set of unprecedented measures. This article proposes a theoretical approach that takes into account the role of norms, rationalities and speech acts in a changing context and of social interaction therein. It is demonstrated that, given the dramatic rupture following the invasion, the EU's response in 2022 was embedded in, and structured by, a priori understandings and justifications generated by the EU in response to Russia's war against Ukraine starting in 2014, including normative considerations.  相似文献   

15.
In recent years advocates of educational reform have encouraged and demanded changes in public education at all levels. A teaching method called active learning addresses many such concerns, promising several advantages to both teachers and students. One version of active learning is called problem-based learning (PBL). PBL is a pedagogically sound, scholastically beneficial, and socially desirable response to concerns about educational reform. According to recent research, PBL is the most effective technique for students to learn, apply, integrate, and retain information. Many students also prefer to learn in this style. Many teachers will find PBL a valuable alternative to current teaching practices. This essay is a brief primer on PBL techniques and resources. Abridged sections survey the structure and process of PBL, discuss the role of teacher as facilitator, describe PBL 'in action' in my courses, and address implementation.  相似文献   

16.
    
The paper explores Russia's role in security in Central Asia, which analysts interpreted as projection of hegemony. It argues that this role is changing and is shaped by a variety of factors, sometimes acting in contradiction to one another. Domestic agenda is influenced by the danger discourse on drugs and anti-migrant sentiment and urges to detach from Central Asia. Moscow maintains a military presence in the region but is uncertain if it has serious enough stakes to justify a robust approach to security. Refusal to intervene in Kyrgyzstan in 2010 serves as a potent case. Regional organisations echo the non-intervention stance. As a ‘cost-benefit’ approach to security gains momentum, the paper asks if a policy of selective engagement is emerging when only the issues threatening Russia directly will be addressed. The implication can be a security vacuum in the region, affected by ethnic conflict, inter-state disputes and the consequences of withdrawal from Afghanistan.  相似文献   

17.
本文阐述了国内外学者普遍认为国家利益具有国际性。在当代,国家利益的国际性越来越明显和突出,出现了国家利益国际化的趋向:各国国家利益越来越多地分布于海外,受国际环境的影响越来越大;同国际环境关联的国家安全利益内容和范围扩大,涉及经济、文化、信息、生态环境等方方面面。全球化尤其是世界经济一体化进程的加快发展和霸权的无孔不入是出现上述现象的两大原因。当代国家利益所具有的国际性及其国际化趋向,对国际社会和国际关系的发展产生了深远影响。  相似文献   

18.
    
This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the World War II and thevictory of the Anti-Fascist War. The WWII is an unprecedented disaster for humanityand, however, it can never be guaranteed that world wars will not break out againin the future. Just as wars can be classified as cold wars and hot wars, peace canalso be defined as cold peace and real peace. Cold Peace, as an unstable state in theinternational relations, may bring misleading perception of peace, where peace is takenfor granted, and potential crises may lead to international conflicts/ wars. This is clearlyreflected in concerns of western scholars as exemplified by what is called Kissinger’sWorry and Haass’s Question. This paper approaches the question from a strategic andhistorical perspective and draws the following three conclusions: 1) historically, it takesa long time for people to realize the negative impacts of wars; 2) currently, we are ina dangerous stage of cold peace in terms of international security; 3) the Sino-US andSino-Japanese relations will be crucial to the major power relations that affect China’sthe national security in the future. China should find ways to deal with the two majorrelations and play its role in maintaining the world peace.  相似文献   

19.
2015年是人类空前的浩劫——第二次世界大战结束70周年。二战的破坏可谓空前,但其是否绝后,却还有待观察与思考。正如我们可以把战争分为\"热战\"与\"冷战\"一样,和平同样也可分为\"冷和平\"(假和平)与\"真和平\"。\"冷和平\"是一种非常不稳定的国际关系状态,\"冷和平\"容易给人以和平的假象,以为和平就是必然的,战争离我们很远,从而使得某些中小国家容易\"任性\",大国容易缺乏包容,低端政治问题容易\"越位\",这反而容易酿成真正的大危机与大危险。近期西方战略学者发出的\"基辛格之忧\"与\"哈斯之问\"也反映了对\"冷和平\"的忧虑。国际社会如果对\"冷和平\"状态认识不够、处置不当,则有可能导致国际战争的再现与和平的终结。从历史、现实、未来三个维度,结合中国的国家安全与大国博弈的背景,对国际安全与战争问题做战略思考,可以发现:从历史维度来看,人们对国际战争的认识经历了一个历史过程;从现实维度来看,当前中小国家\"任性\"乱为,大国博弈暗流涌动,\"冷和平\"状态令人担忧;从未来维度来看,中美关系与中日关系是影响中国国家安全的最重要的大国关系因素,也是中国对国际战争问题进行战略思考与未来展望时所无法回避的。中国要妥善谨慎地处理好中美关系与中日关系,未来爱好和平的中国将会成为遏制国际战争的重要力量。  相似文献   

20.
第二次世界大战前的日俄、日苏关系是影响东亚地区国际关系格局的重要双边关系。在日本明治维新以前日俄关系具有西方殖民列强与亚洲闭关锁国的封建国家之间关系的特点,总体态势是“俄攻日守”。明治维新到十月革命前的日俄关系具有老牌的殖民主义列强与新兴殖民主义列强之间关系的特点,日俄在东亚既有争夺,又有合作,日本逐渐占了上风。十月革命后日苏关系既有社会主义国家和帝国主义国家之间的关系、邻国关系的特点,又有较为浓厚的欧洲国家和亚洲国家之间关系的特点。这时期,两国之间始终未能建立真正的信赖关系,经历了“日攻苏守”到“苏攻日守”的转变过程。  相似文献   

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