Recognition and Redistribution: Rethinking N. Fraser's Dualistic Model

Abstract

It can be argued that Nancy Fraser's work integrates the concepts of recognition and redistribution by questioning the definition of the concept of recognition in order to bring it closer to the practical scope of redistribution. One of the difficulties raised by the concept of recognition is that it can appear as a kind of social monism by presenting culture as the main factor behind all social criticism, and thus, behind all kinds of claims and conflicts. However, it is possible to acknowledge the theoretical significance of the economy as well. Instead of a monistic framework, we should adopt a dualistic one, founded less on the distinction between economy and culture than on the analysis of their imbrications. Both economy, and status as defined in cultural, ethnic, or sexual approaches to recognition, could work together to minimize the importance of the civil and political rights defended by liberal thinkers.     

On the political and democratic preconditions of equal recognition

Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition is a compelling justification of a liberal, procedural conception of recognition. This conception is built upon a convincing conception of moral equality, but it does not offer a full theoretical discussion of recognition. I argue that the liberal recognition provided by Patten is too formal and narrow to address all relevant issues regarding conflicts of recognition in democratic societies. In particular, it does not consider the political and democratic preconditions that should be granted to minority groups or immigrants in order to provide them fair opportunities to effectively (and not only formally) reach equal recognition.     

The Two Sides of Recognition: Gender Justice and the Pluralization of Social Esteem

Abstract

This article seeks to sketch the contours of a good society, distinguished by its gender justice and the plural recognition of egalitarian difference. I begin by reconstructing Nancy Fraser's arguments highlighting the link between distributive justice and relations of recognition, in particular as it applies to gender justice. In a second step, I show that the debate on the politics of recognition has confirmed what empirical analyses already indicated, namely that Fraser's status model takes too reductive a stance towards the identity-constituting effects of relations of recognition. The simple demand that identities be recognized, however, glosses over the paradox of recognition, which arises out of the ambiguity between the demand for equal respect and the demand for the recognition of difference. This paradox cannot be resolved unless one takes into consideration the compensatory effect of value pluralism, that is, the inherent pluralism of recognition, well captured in the notion of "egalitarian difference".     

Contemporary Psychoanalysis and Critical Theory: A New Synthesis

ABSTRACT

Critical Theory and contemporary psychoanalytic perspectives share many compatibilities in offering a constructive critique of society. Psychoanalysis teaches us that whatever values and ideals societies adopt, they are always mediated through unconscious psychic processes that condition the collective in both positive and negative ways, and in terms of relations of recognition and patterns of social justice. Contemporary critical theory may benefit from engaging post-classical and current trends in psychoanalytic thought that have direct bearing on the ways we conceive of and observe how individuals operate within social collectives. In particular, Axel Honneth relies on psychoanalytic sources that are dated. Critical theory would profit from engaging post-object relations schools such as self psychology, analytical psychology, psychoanalytic intersubjectivity theory, relationality, and contemporary attachment theory that are more nuanced yet can supplement Winnicottian perspectives. Implications for contemporary theory need to reflect upon how the psychosocial matrix of self and society both facilitate and hinder optimal social arrangements and fabrics of justice as it takes up the question of normativity. It is within this context that I hope to introduce contemporary psychoanalytic paradigms that move beyond classical models yet complement redirecting shifts in emphasis both psychoanalysis and Critical Theory attempt to accomplish. I suggest that an applied psychoanalytic explication on social phenomenology can expand the interpretive depth and breadth of human relations and open up a permissible space for interdisciplinary discourse. Here new vistas emerge for a proposed synthesis between the two schools of thought.     

From Critique to Reconstruction: On Axel Honneth's Theory of Recognition and its Critical Potential

Abstract

This paper aims to analyse Axel Honneth's theory of recognition by focusing on two distinct methodological approaches present in it, namely, critique and reconstruction. The critical moment in Honneth's theory of recognition is articulated around two concepts: world-disclosing critique, which is based on the attempt to suggest new and provocative points of view on social reality through the usage of rhetorical devices; and misrecognition, as the empirical starting-point for the theoretical model. These two notions, which can be traced back to Adorno and the so called "first generation" of the Frankfurt School, are interpreted as the mainlines of the diagnostic moment in Honneth's critical theory, as they provide an effective analytical insight into the reality of social suffering. Furthermore, they represent the basic fundament upon which the second level, reconstruction, is articulated. By bringing to light the core aspects of social interaction, they provide the initial clues for the development of the normative framework of recognition, the formal idea of a "good life". The final part of the paper argues that such an interpretation of Honneth's theory of recognition helps to overcome some of its most problematic aspects and thus to deepen its critical potential.     

State political culture, primary frontloading, and democratic voice in presidential nominations: 1972–2000

In light of the notorious “frontloading” phenomenon in U.S. presidential nominating elections, this paper examines the relationship between state political culture and state primary scheduling, for the purpose of understanding how differences in institutionalized community values may have affected the equity with which democratic voice has been distributed in modern presidential nominations. Using stratified event history analyses of nomination campaign schedules from 1972 to 2000, we find that “moralistic” states tend to schedule primary dates earlier in the campaign season than do individualistic or (especially) traditionalistic states, particularly in states with more ideologically liberal elites. Moreover, this tendency toward frontloading among moralistic states becomes more dramatic as racial homogeneity increases relative to other states. These results disturbingly reveal that the democratic voices of racial minorities have often been muffled under the modern institution of presidential nominations.     

亲情文化与当代中国民主政治建设

中国文化具有十分浓厚的亲情色彩,亲情文化深深地影响着中国的历史、现在乃至未来。由于在国家制度的形成中保存了浓厚的血缘因素,中国形成了影响深远的亲情文化传统。在中国人的集体无意识中积淀着不可化解的血缘家族情节。这种文化与民主政治的平等价值难免产生矛盾与冲突,在权利使用方面难以抵制人情、关系等消极影响。但亲情文化在某种程度上也对当代中国民主政治建设起到一定的积极作用,她为民主政治建设提供社会资本基础,也有利于增强政治认同感和民族凝聚力。     

试析当前我国民主文化理性化的两个重要维度

民主文化的理性导向和民主人格的理性培育是民主文化理性化的两个重要维度.民主文化的理性导向主要关注民主理念导向、民主认同导向、民主评价导向和民主效能观导向.民主人格的理性培育主要关注提高公民的主体性和加强民主文化社会化.     

深刻认识和谐文化在构建和谐社会实践中的基础地位

构建和谐社会需要一种高层次的文化理念来引领。作为执政党的中国共产党为什么要提出建设和谐文化,和谐文化的内涵如何,建设和谐文化的战略意义何在,怎样才能建设好和谐文化,建设和谐文化应当注意哪些问题,本文从以上方面对和谐文化建设问题进行论述。     

Cultural pluralism,nationalism and federalism: A revision of democratic citizenship in plurinational states

Abstract. This article poses three questions related to the current revision of democratic citizenship in plurinational states. The first question focusses on the analytical limits of the term 'multicultural' and on the question of where nationalist movements stand within cultural pluralism. The second question asks whether it is possible to overcome the inherent difficulties in the traditional concept of liberal–democratic citizenship in plurinational states. Finally, the third question asks whether federalism is an adequate framework to regulate a revised concept of democratic citizenship in plurinational states. These three questions are developed in three sections. In the first I put forward a typology that allows us to identify four kinds of cultural pluralism movements that are present within the current liberal democracies. In the second section I identify some of the shortcomings of the traditional concept of citizenship with respect to the plurinational integration of some democracies, making special reference to the standard liberal version by Rawls. I defend the right of the minority liberal nationalisms to be included in a revision of the concept of democratic citizenship for the next century. Finally, I discuss the role of federalism, paying special attention to the case of Catalonia and Spain within Europe, and to possible 'asymmetrical' reforms to the concept of democratic citizenship.     

Implementing management tools in Turkish public hospitals: the impact of culture,politics and role status

The government of Turkey has attempted to substantially improve the management of its public hospitals. However, an analysis of the performance of the quality certified hospitals finds only minor improvements. This study seeks to explain these disappointing results by interviewing 46 hospital managers and employees about the successes and failures of the management reform effort. The interviews suggest that traditional Turkish organisational culture often hinders attempts to decrease hierarchy, but, more positively, it also encourages the use of frontline teams and group rewards. Moreover, Turkey's hybrid system of allowing public doctors to maintain private practices has provided doctors with both the resources and the incentives to fight management reform efforts. Finally, organisational decentralisation in Turkey has evoked fierce political opposition, ironically even from many pro‐modernising forces that fear it could increase the power of Islamic fundamentalists. Turkey's experience suggests a number of broader points about management reform in non‐western societies. It suggests that decentralisation can often impede, rather than strengthen the other aspects of management reform; that a hybrid market organisation is often harder to move toward market efficiencies than a purely governmental one; and that national cultures should help guide the order in which reform tools are implemented. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

“公”字蕴含的廉政文化及廉政途径

“公”字产生于“私”字以后，有三项基本义：背私、平均、公开。随着社会的发展，出现了数以百计的公字词族、公字语族，它们饱含着“公”字原义，体现着社会发展的正方向、正价值，蕴含着“社会公众”须得“公共”遵守的要义。廉政建设是个系统工程，廉政途径也多种多样，从“公”字文化中寻找，“公开”是廉政的必由之路，其中“公务员公开财产与收入”则为关键点，是廉政建设有效的途径，可行的途径，重要的途径，低成本途径。     

Claims to the Past. A Critical View of the Arguments Driving Repatriation of Cultural Heritage and Their Role in Contemporary Identity Politics

Abstract

This article explores the role that the worldwide movement of repatriation of human remains and cultural heritage—from museums and other institutions to minorities and indigenous populations—plays in contemporary identity politics. Beyond the obvious positive outcomes of this process, including a significant democratization of the field of archaeology, the repatriation movement poses challenges, mainly because it relies on concepts such as past–present continuity that are sometimes subtly, sometimes not so subtly, problematic for legitimizing group identities and group claims to cultural heritage and human remains. It is argued that while archaeologists and anthropologists must continue to support the idea of increasing democratization of interpreting the past, they must also maintain the right to remain critical to all claims of the past by any particular group.     

The importance of input and output legitimacy in democratic governance: Evidence from a population-based survey experiment in four West European countries

The study of subjective democratic legitimacy from a citizens’ perspective has become an important strand of research in political science. Echoing the well-known distinction between ‘input-oriented’ and ‘output-oriented’ legitimacy, the scientific debate on this topic has coined two opposed views. Some scholars find that citizens have a strong and intrinsic preference for meaningful participation in collective decision making. But others argue, to the contrary, that citizens prefer ‘stealth democracy’ because they care mainly about the substance of decisions, but much less about the procedures leading to them. In this article, citizens’ preferences regarding democratic governance are explored, focusing on their evaluations of a public policy according to criteria related to various legitimacy dimensions, as well as on the (tense) relationship among them. Data from a population-based conjoint experiment conducted in eight metropolitan areas in France, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom is used. By analysing 5,000 respondents’ preferences for different governance arrangements, which were randomly varied with respect to their input, throughput and output quality as well as their scope of authority, light is shed on the relative importance of different aspects of democratic governance. It is found, first, that output evaluations are the most important driver for citizens’ choice of a governance arrangement; second, consistent positive effects of criteria of input and throughput legitimacy that operate largely independent of output evaluations can be discerned; and third, democratic input, but not democratic throughput, is considered somewhat more important when a governance body holds a high level of formal authority. These findings run counter to a central tenet of the ‘stealth democracy’ argument. While they indeed suggest that political actors and institutions can gain legitimacy primarily through the provision of ‘good output’, citizens’ demand for input and throughput do not seem to be conditioned by the quality of output as advocates of stealth democratic theory suggest. Democratic input and throughput remain important secondary features of democratic governance.     

文化事业单位改革模式选择与推进战略

文化事业单位改革既是文化体制改革的重要环节,也是事业单位分类改革的重要内容。虽经30年改革,文化事业单位的计划体制特征依然明显,诸多深层次改革难题尚未破解。改革的目标模式是传统事业单位向公立文化事业法人转型;改革战略是分步推进分类改革,构建现代事业制度,创新人事管理机制,完善政府文化管理体制,形成文化服务多元供给模式。     

论儒家文化背景下新加坡高薪养廉政策

新加坡被认为是亚洲地区最清廉的政府，但我们对新加坡高薪养廉政策存在一定程度的误读。高薪这一物质激励在保持新加坡政府廉洁的诸多因素中确有一席之地，但它与内嵌于新加坡社会的儒家文化并由之形成的精神激励互为表里。中国是儒家文化的发源地，通过弘扬传统文化以促进中国廉政建设大有可为。     

论政治民主与政府公共关系

政治民主是政府公共关系的基础和前提,只有实现了政治民主,政府才能顺利开展公共关系工作;而政府公共关系对政治民主的建设与完善具有促进作用。正确认识政治民主与政府公共关系之间的关系,必须牢固树立“官”“民”平等的思想。     

从文化角度谈英语谚语的翻译

英语谚语是英语这门语言的精华。要把英语谚语翻译成确切的汉语．我们首先要明白英语谚语的准确意思。由于说英语国家和中国在文化上存在着差异,因此对谚语便会有不同的理解。所以我们就必须非常熟悉英语谚语所反映出的该国家的历史、地理、政治和社会风俗习惯等。本文指出翻译的“度”是英语谚语汉译中最重要的,并对谚语的定义,英语谚语的理解、翻译的方法和翻译过程中出现的一些常见错误进行了阐述。     

廉政文化建设与社会政治生态优化

一个良好的社会政治生态是国家长治久安的保障,也是民族复兴的基础。当前与腐败现象伴生的腐败文化在很多领域有滋生蔓延之势,其所具有的"扩散蔓延效应"、"群体压力效应"、"癌变效应"对社会政治生态产生了恶劣影响。廉政文化建设是社会主义先进文化的重要组成部分,从政治文化、社会文化、职业文化、社会舆论四个层面开展廉政文化建设,有针对性地遏制腐败,铲除腐败文化产生的社会土壤,能有效地促进社会政治生态的优化,从而为实现中华民族的伟大复兴奠定坚实的基础。