Placing Welfare States: The Netherlands as a Crucial Test Case

Typologies categorize welfare regimes either on the basis of their history or of their program characteristics or of their policy outputs. These three approaches often converge; but they do not always lead to the same conclusions. Reanalyzing data from Esping-Andersen's THREE WORLDS OF WELFARE CAPITALISM and elsewhere, we show that the Dutch welfare regime looks very different depending upon which basis for classification is used.     

How can Public Professional Services be Restored in a Weak State? Options for Animal Health in Congo's South Kivu

How does one deal with a shortcoming in a public service when even a state “pocket of effectiveness” is unlikely to fill it directly? In the Belgian colonial era, South Kivu Province in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo had a vibrant animal production system, which then was shattered by successive wars. The regeneration of Kivu's livestock industry is greatly constrained by the unreliability of the province's state and private animal health services, which have become commercialized and are unable to overcome the asymmetric information problem inherent to the professions and provide the trustworthy effectiveness farmers need to use them effectively. The Congolese state is unlikely to be able to fill this gap itself. Nonetheless, it can be an architect of solutions to the problem. We were able to identify in the local institutional repertoire at least four possible ways policy‐makers could use non‐governmental organizations to provide missing trustworthiness to the market. This conclusion is hopeful for places with development potential that have weak states and imperfect markets. © 2017 International Livestock Research Institute. Public Administration and Development published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Adding to the Controversy? Civil Society’s Evaluation of the National Conference Dialogue in Yemen

ABSTRACT

This article assembles a picture of Yemen’s 2013–14 National Dialogue Conference (NDC) by collecting perspectives from local civil society organizations (CSOs), which are contrasted to the views of international commentators. Despite all efforts by internal parties as well as the international community, the dialogue failed to avert war, which broke out shortly after. Through interviews with 50 CSOs, we reconstructed the reasons for failure, as well as paying attention to the observed strengths of the dialogue. Half of the consulted organizations were directly involved in the NDC, either as an invited participant or in a brokerage role. The other half concerns outside observers. We identify aspects on which the opinion of the CSOs converge, but also highlight striking divergences depending on insider/outsider status. In contrast to the view espoused in the international literature, the CSOs overall feel that, in spite of all its procedural and substantive flaws, the NDC was a significant junction in the long road towards peace and stability and laid important groundwork for future dialogues.     

央地关系视域下的派出治理：以日本为例

日本作为单一制的中央集权国家,为了适应分权改革,平衡集权、分权、治理三者间的关系,设置了形式各异、数量众多的中央政府行政派出组织进行地方治理。日本中央政府的派出治理按照职能可分为技术性、管理性与制度性三类,同时,利用其多样性、法定性及相对稳定性等组织特点,塑造了融合型的中央集权体制,奠定了宽幅度、少层级的行政区划基础,精简了政府规模,实现了广域行政下的跨域治理。     

“地球村”能否抹平世界的中心-边缘结构--评麦克卢汉的“地球村”

在全球化、后工业化进程中,“地球村”是一个非常流行的词语,事实上,它已经成为一个用以理解当今世界的学术概念。这个概念是由麦克卢汉提出来的。由于麦克卢汉的作品主要是以文学的形式呈现出来的,没有对这个概念加以明确定义,以至于这个概念流行后,人们往往是在这个概念的表层含义上去加以理解和使用它。其实,这个概念包含着更多和更深的内涵。就现实而言,“地球村”的出现并没有改变世界的中心—边缘结构,反而使中心—边缘结构中的压迫力量得到了增强,而且作用形式也更加直接。应当看到,麦克卢汉所提出的“地球村”是一个比喻性的概念,它对于直观地描绘全球化是有着便于理解和把握的价值。但是,也正是这一优势,使麦克卢汉从“地球村”出发而回到了农业社会的村落那里去了,再一次在人类社会进步的转折点上塑造出一个空想主义的思想体系。     

Fiscal Decentralization Policies in the EU: A Comparative Analysis through a Club Convergence Analysis

Abstract

We study the degree of convergence or divergence in fiscal decentralization in the European Union over the period 1995–2015 using a club convergence approach. First, we analyze non-central expenditure and revenue as percentages of GDP, of total expenditure and of total revenue. The results for the EU-15 countries indicate some clustering, with three clubs formed when using GDP and four to five when using total revenue or expenditure. Second, we study the gap between expenditure and revenue as a proxy of fiscal responsibility. This results in three and two clubs respectively, with Denmark as the divergent country with the highest gap. Finally, we analyze potential unions of clubs and transitions. We also interpret our results taking into account variables found in the literature as determinants of fiscal decentralization. These results show how European countries are quite heterogeneous in terms of fiscal federalism and decentralization, with greater convergence in fiscal responsibility than in the other magnitudes.     

Education as an equalizer and challenges to the American Republic

This paper compares the educational system in the United States with those in two other countries. One is Sweden, a developed country that enjoys peace and social tranquility; the other is Iraq, a developing country that is torn by wars and tyrannical political systems. Based on such comparison and while acknowledging historic differences between the three countries, this paper will identify ＂cost of education＂ as a major causal agent in producing two social groups. The first group is a small, elitist cluster emerging as the leading force in all aspects of society and governance; the second group is a larger under-educated cluster, suffering from insufficient resources and forced into marginalization as voiceless, non-productive, non-competitive and expendable segment in society while plagued by poverty, or under unemployment, crime and economic hardship. In recognizing the limitation of access to education by the second group as the primary causal element in such disparity, this paper recommends ＂free access to quality education＂ as a fundamental right for all Americans and as an equalizer in correcting the American regime values in order to remain competitive in challenging.     

Between Deadlock and Decentralization: Bargaining Dynamics in Federal States

A classic way to meet regionally diverse interests is to grant partial autonomy to sub-national entities, either by assigning them the right to decide upon policies (federalism), to implement policies (decentralization), or both. This article argues and formally elaborates that central governments may intentionally choose to increase decentralization in an effort to facilitate agreements that otherwise would be deadlocked. In this regard, a central government's decision to promote decentralization depends on its own relative valuation of policy change and congruence. We illustrate the empirical validity of our argument with a case study pertaining to the Swiss New Regional Policy.