非战争军事行动后勤保障问题探析

随着国家利益的拓展和非传统安全威胁的上升,非战争军事行动日益成为国家力量运用的重要方式,并对做好战争准备,提升军队作战能力具有重要而特殊的作用.而坚强有力的后勤保障是确保非战争军事行动任务顺利完成的重要因素.本文通过分析非战争军事行动后勤保障的特点及原则,通过探讨抢险救灾任务中后勤保障的组织与实施,为提高我军反恐维稳、边境封控、国际维和、国际救援等非战争军事行动组织与实施能力提供参考依据.     

加强非战争军事行动军事人才培养的思考

准确定位非战争军事行动军事人才培养的目标，努力拓展非战争军事行动军事人才培养的渠道是‘凝高军队应对多种安全威胁、完成多样化军事任务的能力”的必然要求。     

非战争军事行动与战时简论

当今世界,非战争军事行动成为国家军事力量运用的重要方式。人们对非战争军事行动的概念和范围存在不同的认识。在非战争军事行动条件下,文章认为,应将非战争军事行动纳入刑法中的战时并对战时进行修正,并将修正的战时适用于战时缓刑。     

交战规则相关问题研究

交战规则在现代军事行动中已经得到普遍应用,但因其自身的特殊性尚未广为人知,理论研究也不尽成熟,国内更是鲜有论述。此文通过分析交战规则的五个主要特点,说明对交战规则定义的认识。同时介绍了目前有关国际组织和国家的交战规则制定情况,以期进一步理解并明确制定交战规则的基本依据,即国家政策目标、具体任务需要和相关法律规范。尽管不同类型军事行动中的交战规则不尽相同,但一些基本内容是所有交战规则应当涵盖和规范的,此文总结了其中主要的九个方面。实践证明,任何交战规则都是具体时空的产物,不可能是完美无缺的,其制定、执行还存在诸多局限性和不尽人意之处。深入分析交战规则的特点、内容、依据及应用情况,可以更好地适应新军事变革及多样化军事任务需要,进一步提高我军武装冲突法的运用技能。     

论武警部队在非战争军事行动中的职能及其拓展

武警部队参与非战争军事行动是其履行其职责的表现,但是其在参与非战争军事行动中面临很多挑战,因此需要对非战争军事行动的客观规律进行分析,从而应对各种安全威胁。     

浅析非战争装备动员和力量建设存在问题的原因及对策

在非战争军事行动日趋增多,甚至呈现常态化的形势之下,非战争军事行动员日益成为国家军事力量运用的重要方式。紧急事件发生时,部队能不能召之即来,来之能战,体现部队在非战争军事行动中的能战度。非战争军事行动的装备保障和装备力量建设在执勤、处突、反恐、抢险救灾、恢复重建、公共卫生救援、国际维和与人道主义救援等行动中,发挥决定性的主导作用。     

论司法的功能体系及其优化

司法参与社会治理以司法功能的发挥为前提,司法本身具有哪些功能,这是司法机关参与社会治理所依托的手段.实际上,司法具有政治功能,其是国家意志的表达方式;司法具有民主功能,是维护民主体制的重要力量;司法的法律功能则表现为其对法律之统一适用上.司法参与社会治理过程中三者不可偏废其一,且需要植入具有统摄力的价值内核.人权保障价值的植入则为三项功能的整合提供可能,在此基础上,立足于审判过程中的人权保障,司法的国家意志表达、民意整合和法律统一适用等诸功能的拓展方具有正当性基础.     

拓展训练在公务员培训中的应用

现代社会对公务员的能力与素质要求越来越高,这就要求对其培训的形式要适应时代的需求.在公务员培训中引入拓展训练达到了很好的培训效果.本文就拓展训练的有关内容及其在公务员培训中的应用进行探讨,以期完善公务员培训的内容和形式,实现提高公务员能力和素质的目标.     

论法治道路、理论与体系的拓展

自党的十八大以来,"中国特色社会主义法治"命题的提出,在法治道路、法治理论、法治体系方面得到了全面深化与拓展.社会主义法治道路是社会主义法治建设成就和经验的集中体现,是建设社会主义法治国家的唯一正确道路,是中国共产党人在具体法治道路上的深化与拓展;社会主义法治理论是对西方法治理论优秀成果的学习与借鉴,更是对西方法治理论的拓展与发展;社会主义法治体系是中国共产党提出的新命题、新概念,既是对社会主义法律体系的拓展与超越,更标志着执政党对全面推进依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家的认识,升华到与全面深化改革的总目标,即推进国家治理体系和治理能力的现代化密切联系的新阶段.     

关于国内非战争军事行动的法律思考

本文通过界定国内非战争军事行动的定义和范围,阐述国内非战争军事行动的特点和意义,分析国内非战争军事行动法律性质,提出国内非战争军事行动的立法原则和建议。     

浅论高技术战争对官兵文化素质高起点的要求

随着21世纪的到来和我军现代化步伐的加快,我军官兵科学文化素质不高的问题已越来越突出,直接制约和影响着我军的建设与发展。面对高技术战争对军队官兵文化素质的高起点和高要求,我军除加强科技练兵外,当对我军各级指挥员科学文化素质的提高加快步伐,加大我国现行《兵役法》兵员质量条件改革的力度,从根本上解决我军官兵科技文化素质偏低的问题。     

The United States Congress and nuclear war powers: explaining legislative nonfeasance

Scholarly debate over the role of the United States Congress in approving military action has focused on the respective war powers granted the executive and legislature by the United States Constitution. Although a voluminous literature has examined the institutional and partisan politics shaping their exercise, a conspicuous lacuna concerns nuclear war powers. Despite periodic but mostly ineffective reassertions of congressional prerogatives over war, the decision to employ nuclear weapons has been left entirely to presidential discretion since 1945. Explaining this consistent refusal by Congress to rein in the ultimate presidential power and exercise co-responsibility for the most devastating form of war relies less on disputatious constitutional grounds than on three arguments about congressional dysfunctionality, legislative irresponsibility, and the relative costs of collective action by federal lawmakers on perilous national security questions.     

Legitimating war by victimization: state-corporate crime and public opinion

This article argues that the ideological use of victimization helps legitimate the state-corporate crime of aggressive war. This contributes to the emerging criminology of war by offering a theoretical framework to better understand how state and corporate actors legitimate criminal military action. We argue that politicians and other elite figures promote a sense of national victimization that is amplified by the news media. We partially test our theory by measuring the association between the incidence of terror victimization ideas in the news and public support for the U.S. ??war on terror.?? We find some evidence of relationships between our Terrorism Victimization Index and both victimization worry and aggressive war support.     

军事法概念新解

军事法是军事法学的一个前提性和本体性概念。军事决定军事法的基本特性、主要内容和调整范围。军事是以国家为主体,军队为主要执行者,进行的战争准备和战争实施的事务。军事法是由国家制定和认可,并由国家强制力保证实施的,调整国家和军队发生的关于战争准备和战争实施中军事社会关系的法律规范的总称。军事法属于公法,具有政治性、技术性、命令性、维权性、实体性、程序性、公开相对性等特点。     

Exploring Options Including Class Action to Transform Military Mental Healthcare and End the Generational Cycle of Preventable Wartime Behavioral Health Crises

This article examines three major options for transforming military mental healthcare in order to end the pattern of self-inflicted and largely preventable wartime behavioral health crises plaguing American veterans, their families, and broader society since the turn of the twentieth century. Evidence is provided that the first option of maintaining the status quo consisting of internal incremental changes has proven largely ineffectual in addressing the broader issues responsible for perpetuating wartime crises. The second option describes necessary transformative changes required to end the cycle of mental health neglect and preventable crises. However, there are no signs that responsible government agencies are inclined to compel the military to overhaul its system. Lastly, we offer a legal analysis for an unprecedented class action against the Department of Defense to effect change. After reviewing the history of tort law and the US military’s immunity from the Feres Doctrine, we examine legal precedents both domestic and aboard. Legal strategies are described in detail from a landmark class action by British soldiers against the Ministry of Defense (MoD) or Multiple Claimants v. MoD (2003) who sued for failure to properly identify and treat predictable war stress injury like post-traumatic stress disorder. The successful claims from individual military plaintiffs have been instrumental in compelling the MoD to implement necessary reforms of its mental health services and possibly end their cycle of neglect and preventable wartime crises. If successful, the proposed American class action will establish a critical precedent to elevate the importance of mental healthcare on equal footing with physical medicine both within and outside of the military.     

The victim zone: Recent accounts of Burmese military human rights abuse in the shan state

Burma's little-known frontier war is the context of six interviews with tribal people affected by the conflict. Burmese military abuse of ethnic minority civilians in the war zone includes forced labor, systematic looting, torture and destruction of tribal villages. American aid, intended to combat the Golden Triangle's opium production, has added to the tribes' persecution, as the Burmese military uses the herbicide 2,4-D (an Agent Orange ingredient) in saturation spraying of crops as part of counterinsurgency efforts.Project MAJE is an independent project on human rights in Burma.Project Maje is an independent information project designed to encourage American awareness of the political situation in Burma, particularly the frontier war and related issues. For more information on human rights in Burma, the 2,4-D program, narcotics trade, and other related topics, please contact: PROJECT MAJE, 14 Dartmouth Road, Cranford, NJ 07016 USA, (201) 276-8494.     

Vagueness in Progress: A Linguistic and Legal Comparative Analysis Between UN and U.S. Official Documents and Drafts Relating to the Second Gulf War

This paper is based on a doctoral thesis which aimed at investigating on whether the use of strategic vagueness in Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq has contributed to the breakout of the 2002–2003s Gulf war instead of a diplomatic solution of the controversies. This work contains a linguistic and legal comparative analysis between UN and U.S. documents and their drafts in order to demonstrate how vagueness was deliberately added to the final versions of the documents before being passed, and thus strategically used vagueness has played a crucial role in UN resolutions related to the outbreak of war in Iraq, and in relevant legislation produced by the United States for its Congressional authorisation for war. The comparative analysis between S/RES/1441(2002) and US legislation has evidenced that that there would have been diplomatic solutions to the Iraq crises which were not synonymous of light-handed intervention against Iraq, but deliberately vague UN wording allowed the US to build its own legislation with a personal interpretation implying that the UN did not impede military action.     

备战打仗中的国际人道法规则运用

国际人道法的基本原则之一是区分对待战斗员和平民,以便在武装冲突中有效地对战争受难者进行保护,平衡"军事必要"与"人道需求"这一矛盾。从实践经验上看,我军在战争中往往守法做的比较好,而在对付敌人违法作战方面准备不足。在未来军事斗争中应利用国际人道法的相关知识,做到既严格遵守又灵活运用。具体做法包括:将遵守国际人道规则列入部队训练和演习内容;运用国际人道法合理进行目标选择与打击;做到正确、灵活地对待和使用保护性标志;灵活处置国际人道法的守势反用等。     

Iraq and the case for Australian war crimes trials

This article presents the case for Australian war crimes trials, following Australian participation in the invasion of Iraq and the subsequent deaths of as many as a million Iraqi civilians. It focuses on jus in bello (war crimes) rather than jus ad bellum (just war). The article sets out the argument and rationale that Australian war crimes trials are needed. Having established the necessity, the article identifies two of the principal alleged atrocities for which Australian officials should be held criminally accountable. It details Australian military support for the use of cluster bombs against civilians during the 2003 invasion, and senior Australian military commanders’ responsibility for planning and carrying out multiple purported war crimes during the attack on Fallujah in late 2004. The article recognises that, in order for Australian officials to be prosecuted under the International Criminal Court (ICC), all domestic remedies must be first exhausted. It therefore specifically addresses which Australian laws can be used, with particular emphasis on anti-terrorist legislation passed in 2002 under the Howard Government and the introduction into Australia’s domestic federal criminal legislation offences equivalent to the ICC Statute offences of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. These provide the most applicable legal tools for prosecuting senior Australian officials for war crimes in Iraq.     

From War to Prison: Examining the Relationship Between Military Service and Criminal Activity

In February of 2008 the New York Times ran a series—War Torn—on Iraq and Afghanistan war veterans and their adjustment to civilian life upon return from the war zone. The authors assessed the criminal involvement of veterans by using newspaper accounts and other open source data to identify homicides in which the offender was an Afghanistan or Iraq war veteran. This particular aspect of the series drew a great deal of criticism, in part because of disagreements about the wisdom of the wars, but also because the sources of data used were perceived as less than systematic and accurate. This series and the debate that it engendered raised once again to prominence the issue of whether veterans are disproportionately involved in crime upon their return from service and specifically from combat assignments. The series also raised the question of whether media accounts of violent behavior by returning combat veterans are simply anecdotal or if they portend a more system-wide problem. This paper uses data from the Surveys of Inmates of State and Federal Correctional Facilities and the Current Population Surveys from 1985 to 2004 to estimate more systematically the prevalence and nature of the offending by military veterans in civilian society. The study seeks to avoid some of the methodological weaknesses of earlier studies that examined the criminal behavior of returning veterans. Specifically, the research considers whether criminal behavior, as reflected in the likelihood of imprisonment, is affected by military service, era of service, or service during wartime after controlling for social and demographic characteristics associated with offending. The findings indicate that military service in general is not predictive of incarceration when key demographic and social integration variables are taken into account. Service during wartime was found to be inversely related to subsequent incarceration, while veterans of the post-1973 All Volunteer Force were more likely to be incarcerated than were civilians and veterans who served during the draft era.