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1.
After nine years of negotiations by 155 countries and international entities,the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Hereinafter referred to as the "Convention") was opened for signature on December 10,1982 in Montego Bay,Jamaica.The Convention lays down a comprehensive regime of law and order in the world's oceans and seas,establishing rules that govern all uses of the oceans and their resources.It is known as the "constitution for the oceans" and its historical position is second only to the United Nations Charter.2012 is the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Convention and the 18th anniversary of its entry into force.It is also the 30th anniversary of China's accession to the Convention and the 16th anniversary of its entry into force for the country.At this monumental moment in history,it is worthwhile to review China's contribution to the achievement of the Convention and reflect on the pros and cons of China vis-à-vis the Convention,so as to better explore ways and means of addressing future problems.  相似文献   

2.
论中美之间的海权矛盾   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近来中美两国在海洋领域的摩擦引起了国际社会的关注。本文认为,中美海权矛盾主要源于美国。美国基于国家安全、地缘政治和军事战略考虑,企图在海洋领域对中国进行限制,以延阻中国和平崛起。中国海洋利益的拓展则加深了中美之间在海洋领域的矛盾。中美海权矛盾有逐步深化、规模加大、从黄海向南海转移的趋势,但不至于爆发全面海上武装冲突。中国在发展海权时,应处理好与美国在海洋领域的竞争与合作关系。  相似文献   

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美国提出"南海冻结论"再次表明了积极介入南中国海问题的态度。美国虽然是南海的域外国家,但南海问题的产生和发展与美国的霸权战略有着密切关系。二战后美国控制大陆边缘地带的霸权战略将南中国海纳入美国的势力范围,这是美国介入南海问题的战略根源。奥巴马维护美国所谓"领导地位"的战略,使南海问题又成了美国战略利用的工具。美国不仅要维护其在南海的利益,还要借南海问题达到其主导地区秩序走向的目的。这使南海成为中美战略博弈的场所。因此,中国在进行维权活动时要注意把握战略利益的均衡性。  相似文献   

5.
论南海问题中的美国因素   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在影响南海问题的外部力量中,美国是最重要的第三方。冷战时期,美国对南海问题主要采取不介入和不表态的中立政策。冷战结束以来,美国开始关注和介入南海问题,并逐步采取具有明显倾向的政治和军事干预政策。美国的介入和干预加大了南海问题的复杂性和中国解决南海问题的难度。  相似文献   

6.
"南海航行自由"是美国"亚太再平衡"战略剑指中国的"撒手锏",超越"南海航行自由"陷阱是中国捍卫国家主权、维护国际法和实现海洋强国梦必须面对的现实挑战。美国打着维护"南海航行自由"的幌子行"舰机"航行自由,目的在于护持美国的亚太霸权地位。中美南海航行自由纷争的本质是海洋霸权国与新型海洋强国在南海战略矛盾和战略利益的竞争,其法理诱因是双方对航行自由原则的认知分歧,也是美国理想主义"海洋自由"传统和实用主义"航行自由计划"的延续。中美"南海航行自由"问题的不断发酵对中国海洋军事安全,海洋战略空间的拓展以及海上崛起的舆论环境造成严重影响。中国应当在实现海洋强国的战略背景下思考该问题的解决路径。中国超越"南海航行自由"陷阱的首务是要保持战略定力,为实现中国海洋强国争取战略机遇期;要加强与美国的战略对话,在南海构建稳定的航行自由机制;要在国际舆论、海洋法律秩序和区域海洋公共产品提供中争取外交主动,适时适度推进南海岛礁建设。  相似文献   

7.
The U.S. is the largest country outside of the region to involve itself in the South China Sea dispute. U.S. policy on this issue is guided by the principle of containing China's rise and this will continue to be the case in the near future. Meanwhile, the U.S. has proposed a new multi-lateral security mechanism, incorporating itself, in the South China Sea. This article will put forward some reflections and suggestions on the above issues.  相似文献   

8.
南海地区,中国与有关东南亚国家关于岛礁主权与海洋权益的争端久拖未决,该地区历史上爆发过数次国际危机,美国均不同程度介入其危机管理过程。当前南海问题的发展走向与美国的亚太"再平衡"战略密切相关,美国对于任何可能出现的南海危机不会置身事外,在南海问题趋紧以及美国积极介入的态势下,中国要汲取以往的经验教训,加强南海地区的危机管理机制建设,维护我国在南海地区的国家利益。  相似文献   

9.
海洋法公约与南海领土争议   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
联合国海洋法公约自产生以来,原先存在的南海主权争议不仅没有得到解决,反而更趋复杂化,其原因与海洋法公约中一些无提及的问题有着密切的联系。本文论述了海洋法公约中有关专属经济区、大陆架、岛屿、岩礁、群岛国、群岛水域等问题对南海领土争议的种种影响。  相似文献   

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The South China Sea issue involves China’s sovereignty disputes with Vietnam and the Philippines;at the same time,it also includes China’s sea disputes with the U.S..The conflicts are different in nature but China has been trapped into strategic passivity.  相似文献   

12.
南海局势与应对海洋法的新发展   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
今年以来,南海局势发生了很大变化。菲律宾国会通过了"领海基线法案",把中国的黄岩岛和南沙群岛部分岛礁划为菲律宾领土;马来西亚前总理巴达维登上南沙群岛的弹丸礁、光星仔礁宣示主权等。这些情况的出现与海洋法的新发展有着密切的联系。因此,如何应对海洋法的新发展就成了捍卫领土主权、维护合法海洋权益的关键。  相似文献   

13.
Sheila A. Smith 《Orbis》2012,56(3):370-390
This article offers a closer examination of the way in which the 2010 crisis emerged between Japan and China. The debate that it sponsored within Japan suggests that a crisis management initiative between Beijing and Tokyo rather than an overall reconciliation agenda may be what is now needed. The author contents that greater predictability and transparency in these maritime interactions will go a long way to developing confidence in what has to date been a very uneasy and publicly sensitive aspect of the bilateral relationship.  相似文献   

14.
In recent months, the Philippines has frequently stirred up trouble on Huangyan Island and the Ren' ai Reef. On March 30, 2014, it submitted a petition to the intemational tribunal. Even on the eve of submitting its complaint, the Philippines sent several so-called "civilian ships" to forcefully enter the waters around the Ren' ai Reef, and arranged for a number of reporters from various television stations and other media to witness the journey and stir up public opinion. The Ren' ai Reef has also been included within the line of the sovereign territory scope to which it lays claim.  相似文献   

15.
Jacques deLisle 《Orbis》2012,56(4):608-642
Among China's unresolved frontier questions, the South China Sea has become the most complex and troubled, and arguably the most significant and disconcerting. The economic and security stakes are high and the stake-holding states numerous and diverse. The claims that China (and others) make about the region reflect such interests but they are, ultimately, legal claims. Beijing's assertions of rights to the disputed areas have rested on three conceptually distinct grounds. Each presents a different mix of challenge and accommodation to international legal norms and the interests of other states, including China's neighbors, near-neighbors and the United States.while China's behavior (as well as that of other interested states) has been more and less assertive at various times, China's three basic arguments claiming rights to the region have been comparatively stable. Both China's pattern of multiple legal arguments and fluctuating actions and rhetoric do little to resolve the debate over whether a rising China will be deeply disruptive of the regional and international order or whether it can—with sufficient skill and tolerable adjustments—be accommodated and integrated. Although China's stance on rights in the South China Sea may be partly the accidental product of conflicting agendas and shifting assessments, Beijing's embrace of three distinct lines of legal argument arguably constitutes a strategy that serves China's interests given the factual, legal and strategic environment that China faces.  相似文献   

16.
韦宗友 《国际观察》2016,(6):141-154
近年来,美国显著加大了对南海问题的介入力度,其立场也日益偏颇。美国不仅将矛头直接对准中国,指责后者制造地区紧张局势,甚至直接派遣军舰进入中国南海部分岛礁12海里内的区域范围,开展赤裸裸的"炮舰外交"。不仅如此,美国还强化与菲律宾、越南的军事安全关系,大力提供军备援助,提升它们的海上军事能力和执法能力。美国还积极撺掇菲律宾将南海问题诉诸仲裁,激化中菲海洋矛盾。美国在南海问题上的深度介入和偏袒立场,不仅使得南海争端日益复杂化,也给中美关系及两国在亚太地区的和平共处投下了阴影。双方都应该采取措施,防止南海争端演化为中美之间的对立与对峙,并进而防止该地区陷入新的冷战。  相似文献   

17.
India has long maintained a cautious stance on the South China Sea issue.As the regional situation has shifted,government statements began showing stronger support of claims from Vietnam and the Philippines and New Delhi began taking a series of practical moves to get involved in the dispute.Compared with the active and committed involvement of the US and Japan on this issue,India's position has not been stable.India and Vietnam have cooperated closely in the security arena in disputed waters,despite strong protest from China.  相似文献   

18.
试析南海地区海上安全合作机制   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
南海地区海上安全合作正成为一个地区热点问题,美国、日本、东盟等域内外国家已经提出或正在推进相关的合作机制。从合作目标及合作紧密度方面分析,这些机制呈“多层次”结构,包括军事联盟性质的合作、有倾向的平衡合作、多边及双边合作和技术性多边合作等。从战略意图分析,美国及其盟国试图以传统安全合作机制调控该地区海上非传统安全合作进程,东盟则希望平衡各方力量,并借助大国提高自身安全能力。因此,在南海地区海上安全合作机制建设进程中,充满了相互防范和激烈竞争的气氛。中国在该地区海域面临传统安全机制的结构性排斥和能源安全双重挑战,有必要在重视传统安全威胁的同时,以务实精神促进地区的功能性安全合作。  相似文献   

19.
南海拥有中国"四海"中最大的海域,其主权利益和海洋权益至关重要,对中国的国家安全与发展具有战略意义。但是,自20世纪70年代以来,中国的南海权益受到严重侵害,南海安全遭遇严重威胁,尤其是美国等域外国家的竭力干预,致使南海问题呈现出复杂化、尖锐化、国际化的趋势。面对进一步恶化的南海局势,中国应充分利用有利因素,积极开展安全合作,寻求最大安全公约数;同时,中国须加强能力建设,保持战略定力,敢于反制挑衅行为,坚决遏制南海危机,有效推进南海的和平、安全与发展。  相似文献   

20.
本文研究中日海权矛盾中的南海问题。日本并非南海沿岸国家,作为一个区域外国家,何以与中国在南海问题上发生矛盾?本文通过国际关系理论现实主义流派中的海权论等理论工具对此问题进行研究得出结论:冷战结束后作为东亚地缘政治主体板块国家的中国免除了长期遭受的来自北方的威胁,开始得以放手发展海权,而作为二战战败国的日本则开始追求政治大国地位。中国在2010年超越日本成为世界第二大经济体,使得东亚第一次出现了两强并立的地缘政治格局,遂引起日本的强烈猜忌。以此为背景,日本视中国建设海洋强国的战略为对亚太地区和平与繁荣的威胁。于是,日本开始在海洋领域挑起争端,两国的海权矛盾由此产生并迅速升级。由于日本在东海问题上日渐处于下风,并且在短期内看不到改观的希望,因此日本开始围魏救赵,在南海问题上挑起争端,企图使中国陷入战略两难的困境。而为达到海上围堵并牵制中国的目的,日本采取法律、防务、外交、舆论等多重手段在南海问题上为中国设置障碍。为此中国有必要采取相应措施进行反制。  相似文献   

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