乌克兰政局的"橙色"乱象

2005年初,尤先科和季莫申科依靠"橙色革命",获得了总统和总理的宝座.9月8日,尤先科宣布解散季莫申科政府,并任命叶哈努罗夫为政府代总理.9月20日,乌克兰议会否决了总统尤先科对政府总理候选人叶哈努罗夫的提名.尤先科再次提名叶哈努罗夫为总理候选人,并与议长利特温、前总理季莫申科、地区党主席亚努科维奇及议会其他党团领导人举行了4个多小时的圆桌会议,希望说服议会各党团支持对叶哈努罗夫担任总理的提名.     

Romanian views on Bessarabia and Bukovina: A Ukrainian perspective

Nicholas Dima, Bessarabia and Bukovina: The Soviet‐Romanian Territorial Dispute. Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1982. v, 173 pp. Distributed by Columbia University Press. Maria Manoliu‐Manea, ed., The Tragic Plight of a Border Area: Bessarabia and Bucovina. American Romanian Academy of Arts and Sciences. Hum‐boldt State University Press, 1983. xii, 280 pp.     

Stepan Bandera: The resurrection of a Ukrainian national hero

This article discusses the reinterpretations of the career of Ukrainian nationalist leader Stepan Bandera and his place in contemporary Ukraine by examining scholarly debates in academic books and articles, school textbooks and media sources from the late 1980s to the present. The article seeks to elucidate the place of Bandera in modern Ukrainian history and illustrates his metamorphosis from arch-villain and alleged traitor in Soviet works to a modern and mythical national hero with a firm place in the historical narrative of twentieth century Ukraine.     

National Minorities and International Change: Being Ukrainian in Contemporary Poland

This article explores the question of how the dynamic of interstate relations affects the domestic processes of minority mobilisation. It analyses Ukrainian minority activism in contemporary Poland against the background of the changing relations between Poland and Ukraine. The article argues that the influence of interstate relations on Ukrainian minority activism is more complex than a traditional view of national minority politics would lead us to presume. Starting from this case study, the article argues that there is a need for a contextual and process-oriented understanding of the categories commonly deployed in the study of minority politics in the region.     

Ukrainian kleptocrats and America's real-life House of Cards: Corruption,lobbyism and the rule of law

Washington DC is not only a center for democracy promotion programs by government-funded and private foundations and think tanks. Washington DC has also attracted hundreds of millions of dollars for lobbyists, political consultants and think tanks from authoritarian political forces and kleptocrats who have little in common with American and European values. Both Republicans and Democrats have been recipients of these illicit funds from state officials and oligarchs who are seeking to ingratiate themselves with American public opinion. Political consultants, lobbyists, lawyers and think tanks which receive funds from such sources are part of a bigger problem of reverse corruption and cynicism and the export of authoritarian practices from Ukraine and post-Soviet states to the West. This was clearly seen in the hiring of Paul Manafort, Viktor Yanukovych's long-time political consultant by US presidential candidate Donald Trump. Trump's promise to ‘drain the (Washington) swamp’ rings hollow after it was revealed he accepted funds from a Ukrainian oligarch who had earlier donated funds to the Clinton's (Reader 2016).     

Manipulating Politics: Domestic Investors in Ukrainian Privatisation Auctions 2000–2004

This article focuses on political aspects of Ukrainian privatisation auctions during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma. It contributes to a discussion of the role of big national investors, or so-called oligarchs, in the context of a regime of competitive authoritarianism in Ukraine. A quantitative evaluation is made by means of an assessment of the values of the winning bids in the privatisation auctions under Kuchma and this is linked to a characterisation of the successful bidders in terms of their links to oligarchical networks. As a result distinct strategies of the Yushchenko and the Yanukovych governments towards auctions and towards oligarchs in general can be identified.     

To Help ‘Brotherly People’? Russian Policy Towards Ukrainian Refugees

Abstract

The essay focuses on Russian policy towards displaced persons from Ukraine’s war-torn territories from 2014 until mid-2019. The privileging of refugees from Ukraine relative to immigrants and refugees from other countries and, later, the granting of Russian citizenship to Ukrainian citizens from the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, were interwoven with both influence-seeking in the Russian geopolitical neighbourhood and transborder nationalism and supported via direct presidential control of immigration. Despite a series of decrees and involvement of civil society in providing support, this essay detected a lack of efficient mechanisms for responding to the needs of the displaced.