关于德国社会民主党纲领研究的几个问题

德国社会民主党纲领的发展经历了三个阶段。从《爱尔福特纲领》、《哥德斯堡纲领》和《柏林纲领》的内容变化大体反应了德国社民党纲领思想发展的历程。德国社会民主党在它的150年的历史中以多种多样的方式迎接了新的挑战,在不断变化中,而且正是由于这种变化才保存了自己的身份认同。     

德国民主社会主义党大选失利及未来走向

在德国2002年大选中,民主社会主义党被挤出联邦议会,其失利的重要原因是社会民主党政策上向左摆动抢了它的地盘和话题.在党代会上,民社党"正统派"把"改革派"清除出党的领导层,同时把未来的走向定为抗议性"反对党".但由于该党面临分裂的危险,也未真正找到符合时代和国情要求的发展路线,前途实际上相当渺茫.西欧左翼党和共产党大都有相同的处境,面临着类似问题.     

论中产阶级与德国社会民主党的转型

德国社会民主党的转型与中产阶级的演变发展有着密切联系.马克思主义的中等阶级理论,决定了早期德国社会民主党的无产阶级政党性质;伯恩施坦的中等阶层理论是导致德国社会民主党走向改良主义道路的重要因素;二战后中产阶级的发展壮大促使德国社会民主党由"阶级党"转变为"人民党";20世纪80年代后,中产阶级的新变化推动德国社会民主党由"纲领党"转变为"选举党".     

专访前民主德国总理汉斯·莫德罗

1989年11月9日,全世界目睹了东欧剧变在前民主德国上演的惊人一幕,一直以来作为东西方两大阵营对抗标志的柏林墙被推倒了,大量东德人涌入西德。从当年的东欧剧变再到后来的苏联解体,世界格局发生了重大变化。时至今日,20年已经过去了……     

More Rights,Less Power: Labor Standards and Labor Markets in East European Post-communist States

This paper examines changes in labor markets and labor rights for 13 post-communist states of East Central Europe and the Former Soviet Union. It focuses on the simultaneous pressures to increase the flexibility of labor markets and improve labor standards in the years since the collapse of communism. Comparative measures and patterns of both de jure and de facto standards and flexibility are presented, and the roles of key institutional promoters of change are analyzed. I find that a combination of democratic regime type and European Union accession has pulled East European states toward the strengthening of collective labor rights. The effect is strongest on the states that joined the EU in 2004, weaker for those joining in 2007, while the three post-Soviet, non-accession states remain significantly more labor-repressive. Labor market flexibilization has been a more uniform trend in the post-communist region. In the context of this project’s inter-regional comparisons, contemporary Eastern Europe has the strongest labor rights. At the same time, the decline of trade unions and limits of collective bargaining in most post-communist states undermine the effectiveness of transposed EU legislation and bargaining institutions in empowering labor. As shown by the exceptional case of Slovenia, strong unions are necessary to fully enforce rights.     

Colours of a revolution. Post-communist society,global capitalism and the Ukraine crisis

Abstract

The Ukraine crisis is usually treated either as Russia’s return to the old-style empire-building (the right) or as a clash of two imperialisms (the left). However, the essence of this crisis can be understood only from the dual perspective of the consequences of the Stalinist degeneration of the Russian Revolution and the fate of the modern global capitalism. The most rotten sections of the Soviet bureaucracy moved the society to capitalism. However, this effort could secure only a peripheral (Ukraine) or at best semi-peripheral (Russia) position in the capitalist world-system as a provider of cheap raw materials. Meanwhile, modern capitalism led to world economic crisis. In these conditions, the capital of the core capitalist countries obviously decided to strengthen its control over the periphery, and Russia’s aspirations to secure its domination over the former Soviet space were in the way. To thwart them, Western powers decided to provoke a Ukraine crisis, exploiting Ukrainians’ justified indignation at the backwardness and corruption inherent in their own peripheral capitalism. Hence, a study of the properties of the post-Soviet societies and their place in the world hierarchy is the key to understanding the Ukraine crisis.     

Transitional Politics of Memory: Political Strategies of Managing the Past in Post-communist Romania

Abstract

The article develops a typology of political strategies of coming to terms with the past as a theoretical frame of reference against which it assesses the transitional politics of memory pursued in Romanian post-communist society. It argues that after an initial ‘elusive’ strategy based on a politics of amnesia gave way to a confrontationist stance promoting a politics of anamnesis, the communist past was both politically criminalised and symbolically demonised. The article concludes by arguing that the failure of the ‘mastering the past’ paradigm epitomised by the 2006 Tism?neanu Report needs to give way to a ‘normalising’ paradigm of remembering Romanian communism.     

Poland,Germany and the EU: Reimagining Central Europe

Abstract

In this article, we look at the fissures in United Europe from both sides of the region where a post-Cold War ‘Middle/Central Europe’ should have been forged. How do leading German and Polish newspapers treat the categories of ‘Central’ or ‘Middle’ Europe relative to the concept of the Eastern–Western European divide and what are the discourses associated with these perspectives? At the time of a looming redefinition of the entire European project, what can media reports from Germany and Poland tell us about its future? We conclude that the media narratives in these two countries portend further tensions for European unity, since the new divisions now overlap the old ones. Our findings have implications for the future of democracy in the newly democratic countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland.     

Parties, rules and government legislative control in Central Europe: The case of Poland

A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control.