德里vs.现代 技术、战术比较的一家之言

本文作者曾服役于印度海军“迈索尔”号驱逐舰,对德里级驱逐舰的各项性能颇为了解和自信,同时他也非常关注中国海军的装备动态。鉴于德里级模仿蓝图之一——现代级驱逐舰已有多艘进入我人民海军行列,并且印度国内也传出购买现代级的声音,于是他根据自身所掌握的情况进行数据上的性能比较。由于其站的立场和比较的方式与我们有所不同,这只是其一家之言,仅供读者参考。     

地中海上空的斗智:F-16vs.苏-27

《以色列空军》杂志曾刊登过一篇相当有趣的文章,其中的一部分是这样说的: 1996年1月27日,星期六,下午15时,以色列北部拉玛特·戴维空军基地的警报笛声凄厉地响起,隶属于以色列空军第109“贝卡谷地”空军中队的两架F-16D战斗机紧急起飞拦截入侵者。 在地面基地的指引下,这两架F-16D向海法方向飞去,根据雷达显示,敌机位于东地中海上空,高度大约在1500米左右。过了一会,在离目标约15英里的距离上,F-16D飞行员看到了敌机,他们小心翼翼地接近,以色列飞行员还发现,敌机并未携带空空导弹。     

The EU’s preferential trade agreements with Singapore and Vietnam. Market vs. normative imperatives†

By negotiating Free Trade Agreements the EU aspires both to increase the competitiveness of its industry and contribute to sustainable development in the partner country. It pursues a flexible approach to norm promotion which aims at supporting developing countries in their attempt to adjust to international standards. Ideational and institutionalist scholars interpreted this approach as a manifestation of its normative power. We show that in the negotiations with Singapore and Vietnam the positions of the EU were not consistent with its declared goals, since they put stronger pressures upon Vietnam to adjust to regulatory standards. We explain this lack of consistency as the result of different patterns of interest group mobilization in the two negotiations. Those patterns, in turn, depend upon the bargaining power the EU has with single trade partners, competition between the EU and third countries, especially the US, and the structure of the economy of the trade partners.     

Political leadership in local government: T. Dan Smith in Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne∗

Recent initiatives for modernising local government have ignored the potential contribution of parish and town councils. This article critically examines English parish and town councils in the context of the current debate about the need for government to be more responsive to community needs. It considers measures to enhance the capacity of these grassroots councils by recalibrating the responsibilities and resources between tiers of local government. It concludes by setting out possible reforms to facilitate the contribution of these local councils to the modernising agenda as both representatives of the community and potential providers of local services.     

The politics of ethnic cleansing: The P.P.R., The P.Z.Z. and Wielkopolska's nationalist revolution, 1944‐1946

The Pussy Riot affair was a massive international cause célèbre that ignited a widespread movement of support for the jailed activists around the world. The case tells us a lot about Russian society, the Russian state, and Western perceptions of Russia. It also raises gender as a frame of analysis, something that has been largely overlooked in 20 years of work by mainstream political scientists analyzing Russia's transition to democracy. It has important implications for how Western feminist categories can be applied to the Russian context. This introduction summarizes the main events associated with the trail of the three group members who were accused of staging a “punk prayer” performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in February 2012. It also introduces the findings of the six papers that make up this special section.     

To return or not to return? Politics vs. economics in China's brain drain

This study, based on 273 face-to-face interviews with students, scholars, and former residents of China in the United States in 1993, uses both qualitative and quantitative methods to explain people's views about returning to China. Although less than 9 percent of interviewees had concrete plans to return, over 32 percent were positively disposed to returning in the future. Key background variables that affect that decision are people’s age, sex, social background in China, and their views about returning when they first left China. Concern about children’s future was not significant, but having a wife abroad greatly increased the desire to stay abroad. Why people chose not to return varied significantly between people with children and those who didn't. Even four years after the Tiananmen crackdown, concerns about political instability, lack of political freedom, and a lack of trust that the government would let people who returned leave again were significant reasons for not returning. But economic factors—better U.S. housing and incomes—as well as professional concerns about lack of job or career mobility in China and a poor work environment there were equally important. Given the weight attributed to economic factors and political stability, if China weathers Deng Xiaoping’s succession and the economy continues to grow, significant numbers of Chinese may return. David Zweig is Associate Professor, Division of Social Science, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. He is the author ofFreeing China’s Farmers: Rural Restructuring in the Deng Era (forthcoming),Agrarian Radicalism in China, 1968–1981 (1989), co-author ofChina’s Brain Drain to the United States: The Views of Students and Scholars in the 1990s (1995), and co-editor ofChina’s Search for Democracy: The Student and Mass Movement of 1989 (1992) andNew Perspectives on China’s Cultural Revolution (1991). He writes about China’s rural political economy, transnational relations, and domestic politics. He is currently completing a book on the impact of China’s open policy and transnational relations on urban development, rural industry, universities, and recipients of foreign aid.     

One perspective on “democracy vs. efficiency”: Testing mutuality via the laboratory approach

Much social commentary has fixated on the theme of “democracy vs. efficiency,” but observers have directed attention at modes of decision-making alternative to the usual bipolar foci. Gaenslen takes the latter tack in suggesting a third mode, and this note at once shares in his intent while seeing problems with his approach. Specifically, this note outlines a fourth mode for decision-making, based on the “laboratory approach to organization development”; it sketches some of its underlying theory and practice; and the narrative details a number of ways in which the demands of economic efficiency and political democracy can be met with substantial mutuality by learning designs consistent with the laboratory approach.     

The anti‐terrorism act of 1987—An update on the controversy surrounding efforts to close down PLO offices in the U.S.

Abstract

The basic intent of Congress in enacting the Anti‐Terrorism Act of 1987 was not to deprive supporters of the Palestinian Liberation Organization of expressing their opinions but to induce the PLO to renounce the use of terrorism. By reaffirming United States abhorrence of terrorism, the supporters of this legislation also hope to encourage the emergence of Palestinian leaders who are dedicated to a peaceful resolution of the Arab‐Israel conflict. While the United States Government and major Jewish organizations have supported the closing of the PLO's Washington‐based Palestine Information Office, there has been considerable questioning in these same circles of the wisdom of the Congressional action to close the PLO's Observer Mission to the United Nations. This action was challenged by the United Nations, and the International Court of Justice asked the United States to resolve this matter through arbitration. The Reagan Administration finally accepted a Federal court ruling that the law did not require closing the U.N. Mission.     

俄美明星防空系统的终极大对比——安泰-2500vs.爱国者 最详尽解剖两种武器系统的作战能力

作为世界上最新一代反导防空系统,俄罗斯安泰-2500系统是较早进入现役的型号,由于前苏联时期卓有成效的保密制度和俄罗斯军工企业在市场宣传上的低调。中国的军事爱好者对这种武器系统的了解程度远远低于它在国际军售市场上的对手——爱国者防空导弹系统。而最近几年来,研制开发并一直极力向国际市