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1.
The present article deals with the role of the German federal government on promoting the increased production of electric cars in Germany. It shows the changing positions of different stakeholders in the Berlin arena, their interests, positions, and alliances. It examines the question of why and how the stakeholders, especially within the government, change their positions in the arena of electromobility. The paper refers to the principal‐agent theory associated with the empirical field of arena analysis. The empirical basis of this study comprises five high‐level expert interviews with key‐decision players in the electromobility arena: two former federal state secretaries of the Ministry of Transport and Digital Infrastructure (BMVI), Mr. Bomba, and the Ministry of Economy and Energie (BMWi), Mr. Machnig; the acting state secretary in the Ministry of Finance (BMF), Mr. Gatzer, and, in addition, the head of the Berlin representative office of a major German automobile manufacturer and the chairman of the National Platform on Electric Mobility. In addition to these interviews, a lot of participating observation was done between 2012 and 2013, as a major German automobile manufacturer provided insights into the group's representation in Berlin, the decision‐making process between the corporate headquarters and the public affairs managers in Berlin and Brussels, and the cooperation with the ministries in Berlin. The paper tries to fill a research gap: Scholarly research on the impact of the German federal government as an arena of rivalling public interest groups is scarce in Germany. The leading view takes the federal government as a monolith, which view is more based on “how it should act” as on empirical evidence (“how it acts”). Inductive evidence shows that the government does not exist, as it is a subarena of itself. The consequences of this observation for the theorization of the role of the government in the larger society, as being only one out of many players, are discussed in the text.  相似文献   

2.
Three speakers, Mr J. L. Evans (Education Department, Tasmania), Mr D. Moore (New Zealand Institute of Public Administration), and Ms D. K. Conroy (Queensland Institute of Technology) agreed that a major element in the papers was the demand for change. Reducing staff, though the commonest solution to the problem of "managing with less", did not necessarily lead to effective administration, especially when departments were expected to maintain the same range of activities. Mr Evans argued that change had to pay regard to the needs of clients. "We must see that those who are hurt are not those who can least afford to suffer". There might be ways of simplifying administration, such as a better sorting out of federal-state activities. Mr Moore asked whether it was a real option that governments should do less in an age of higher technology, more unemployment, and greater calls for equity and help to the underprivileged.  相似文献   

3.
My Chairman, Mr H. H. Dickinson, was honoured to be offered the role of keynote speaker for the 1974 Annual Conference of the Royal Institute of Public Administration. He had proceeded a considerable distance along the road of preparing his address when he was unexpectedly called on to visit Canada on government business. On his behalf I wish to apologize to the organizers for his absence today. He regrets it very much. The address I am about to give is in some sense therefore a joint effort, encapsulating the theme judged by Mr Dickinson to be most appropriate for this occasion, within a framework which enables me to develop and expound that theme.  相似文献   

4.
In 2008, Aboriginal elder Mr Ward died of heat stroke while being transported in the back of a prison van operated by private security company GSL (now G4S). This article will address the role accountability mechanisms can play in improving correctional and custodial services and whether existing oversight frameworks can provide a proper supervision and quality control of private security operators. It will focus on the key reports issued by Western Australia's Inspector of Custodial Services, the independent office to oversee the prisoner transfer system. Another central source of information will be an examination of the report and recommendations handed down by the Western Australian Coroner Alastair Hope in June 2009. The Hope Report details the numerous failings of the system which led to the Ward tragedy. Both GSL and the Western Australian state government had breached a duty of care to Mr Ward. Further, it remains highly problematical having a range of oversight bodies if elected government is able to simply ignore the subsequent advice. Parliament must therefore remain a central part of the system of political accountability.  相似文献   

5.
6.
Torgovnik  Efraim 《Publius》1977,7(2):61-84
The study deals with determinants of local policy outputs inIsrael's centrist system. It compares the effects on local expenditurepolicy of political and socio-economic variables, as well asthe roles of tax revenue and central aid. Tax is analysed asan intervening variable between socio-economic factors and localpolicy, rather than as a policy output (the traditional conception);our findings indicate that tax is indeed an intervening variable.Government aid is also seen as an intervening factor which affectsvaritions in local policy outputs. Data indicate a two-stageprocess in which socio-economic factors affect the tax leveland government aid—which, in turn, affect policy outputs.The casual ordering of these findings is estimated through pathanalysis. *Special thanks are due to Mr. Uri On and Mr. Pinchas Kahanahfor their invaluable help in producing this paper and to Ms.Nechama Schpack for her help with processing the data.  相似文献   

7.
作为保障机关有序运行的重要制度设定,机关事务管理面多事杂任重,创新机关事务管理是实现从“制度优势”转向“治理实效”的重要一环。实现机关事务管理现代化,其本质是从“广度”到“深度”的深刻转变:新时代下的机关事务不再仅仅强调业务广度方面上的面面俱到,更期望其能在强化政府自身建设、优化政府职能等更深层面扮演积极角色。改革开放以来,我国不断推进机关事务领域改革,不仅仅是对其职能的不断调整,其本质在于对宏观行政体制变革的主动回应与渐进调试,是国家治理体系建构中的重要一环,并在此过程中逐渐形成职能现代化、体制法治化、行为职业化、能力智慧化等制度优势。基于行政管理要素构成的分析视角,职能体系、职权范围、管理体制、人力资源都将是创新机关事务管理的必要路径。  相似文献   

8.
One aspect of the study of local government organization is the role of consultants and the models they have introduced in order to help the local government reorganize. One of these models is "strategy", and this article sets out to consider the implication for these organizations if "the logic of strategy" were to be implemented. A common denominator of all the local governments studied is that "strategy" does not function, and the question is why this is so. Two distinctly different explanations can be considered. One states that "strategy" is difficult and that the politicians and administrators will need time to adjust to new ways of working. The other explanation, which is applied here, focuses on whether local government as an institution can be reconciled with the demands and premises inherent in "strategic thinking". My conclusions arc negative. "Strategy" is a model from the private sector and more specifically from the competitive sector of society and it is not appropriate for wider use. In this article the arguments are restricted to local government, and do not necessarily apply to other types of public organization.  相似文献   

9.
张雪 《学理论》2012,(18):84-85
近两年,网络上不断出现"被"词语,"被时代"来临,无论是被自杀,被代表,还是"被自愿"都表现出了话语权弱势一方的无奈,透过现象看本质,被时代的出现也折射出当今信息时代社会传播的失衡,政府、媒介和公民之间的传播链条出现症结,引起我们的深刻反思。政府与媒介,政府与公众,媒介与公众之间的关系需要改善和协调,从而促进信息民主的实现。  相似文献   

10.
Ideally, the evolution of a regional policy should provide a continuing testing ground on which to formulate ways of administering truly co-operative policies, involving all three levels of government. As the previous speakers, Sir Charles Barton and Mr Cappie-Wood, have demonstrated, there is presently a great interest in regionalism in this country. Some commentators have seen this as a re-awakening of the views of the post-war planning period, but with the significant change that this time, governments of all political colours are taking a definite interest in regional concepts.  相似文献   

11.
Judicial decisions are one element in the erosion of local government budgetary discretion. For example, litigation concerning constitutional rights forces local government officials to allocate resources toward the rights-based population. While rights-based allocation decisions may narrow the budgetary discretion of public officials, some managers may, paradoxically, be "better-off"—defined as the ability to protect and defend their budgets — when discretion is reduced. This thesis is tested through a case study of jail overcrowding litigation in a county government.  相似文献   

12.
In opening the discussion on Mr Gleeson's paper, Professor Murray Stewart (Urban Research Unit, University of Bristol) suggested that the United Kingdom had now much experience of "managing with less". "Corporate planning" had its limitations, especially when cutbacks were involved. Then people retreated into their departmental shells to protect their own interests. In Britain planning units were to some extent in disgrace and there was more stress on making use of existing departments and ad hoc working groups. It was also beneficial to focus more attention on the impact of programs on particular client groups or areas. This was useful to the politicians, as it focused on what was of electoral concern, and it also helped departments to work together. One of the worst failures in British capital budgeting had been failure to "monitor" programs. He echoed all that Mr Gleeson's paper said about the role of politicians. There had to be much more debate between politicians and officials at an early stage in the decision-making process. This was better done through working parties and discussions on specific cases, rather than more diffuse contacts.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract: This article argues that direct commonwealth involvement in road funding and road policy has benefited the states and local government. Although inefficiencies and friction are evident as a result of joint funding, the benefits of multiple accountability outweigh the costs. A competitive dynamic underlies the involvement of all three levels of government, producing outcomes that no single government dominates, but which reflect in part the responses of each to their respective constituencies. The commonwealth has been driven to more intrusive forms of intervention as existing controls failed to achieve the commonwealth's objectives, and to expanding its financial contributions to counter the diversion of funds by state governments. Its commitment to funding the road program is likely to be highest when its specific purpose grants can be identified closely with the provision of roads in particular regions and localities. In sum, joint funding of the road program produces a system that is responsive to competing conceptions and interests, and the commonwealth's "voluntary vacancy" from all but "national" roads is on balance likely to be detrimental to the program.  相似文献   

14.
The bad news is that critics of the quantitative movement in policy and political science are right (so far). Widely accepted quantitative models of politics promote cynicism and counter-productive uses of government power. Mainstream social science provides a perverse basis for policy analysis. The good news is that there is no sound scientific reason for the schism between so called "empirical" and "normative" theories of politics. Traditional theories of politics, which show how government power can be used to serve the public interest, can be quantified and tested as empirical theory. The resulting scientific normative theory provides a constructive foundation for policy analysis.  相似文献   

15.
近20年来,全国范围内统一组织开展了3次"严打"运动,社会上对"严打"方式和效果都有不同看法.文章对此进行了全面的分析,认为国家根据社会治安情况,在一个时期对犯罪采取严厉的打击方针是有理论和实践根据的.但是,"严打"必须是一贯性的方针,而不能是临时性的措施;应当在法治范围内进行,而不应该冲破法律的限制;同时,对刑罚的功能也应当有个客观正确的评价,国家不能过分依赖刑罚治理社会.  相似文献   

16.
党中央对反腐倡廉制度建设历来十分重视,构建了一整套系统全面的制度体系。然而在一些地方和部门的实际工作中,有禁不止、有令不行的现象依然屡见不鲜,腐败案件仍然居高不下。究其原因,很大程度上在于反腐倡廉制度缺乏有效的执行或者执行力不高,其主要表现为执行力上强下弱、层级递减,执行人员避难就易、见风使舵,并奉行“好人主义”和“实用主义”等。廉政制度执行力是一种综合的、系统的能力,执行者的心理态度、制度本身的科学性、制度执行的监督机制和制度执行的外部环境是影响廉政制度执行力的主要因素,且各因素之间相互影响,共同作用于廉政制度执行力。提高廉政制度的执行力,应积极营造具有良好执行意识的组织文化,健全科学完备的廉政制度体系,强化刚性约束的执行监督机制,培育具有制度意识的社会崇廉氛围,从而实现社会的廉洁善治。  相似文献   

17.
This article examines the impact of public sector austerity on the budgetary process in local government. We initially propose that resource squeeze influences the criteria of resource allocation. More specifically, we suggest that austerity tends to generate a greater emphasis on performance-based criteria such as cost-benefit assessments, while arguments relating to production costs, previous commitments and relative standards of service supply tend to carry less weight. A regression model is developed to test these hypotheses. Response variables, drawn from a survey conducted among Norwegian local government officials, measure the success of a menu of arguments which justify increased appropriations, and we examine whether austerity affects the perceived success of these arguments. Consistent with previous studies, we find no impact of stress on decision-making behavior in local government. We do not believe that this result can be dismissed as merely a by-product of our research design. This conclusion leaves us with at least two possible interpretations. One suggests that austerity affects the criteria of resource allocation if, and only if, decision-makers perceive the squeeze to exert a persistent and inescapable pressure which requires a fundamental redefinition of managerial style. This has hardly been the case in Norwegian local government. The other interpretation suggests that the criteria for resource allocation in fact remain unchanged, even in situations when austerity is believed to be persistent. Inertia can be caused by (a) the disproportional disutility attributed to budgetary cut-backs compared to the benefits of appropriation increases, (b) the propensity to attribute austerity to "external" rather than "internal" causes, and (c), problems related to aggregating individual preferences and criteria into a coherent organizational policy of resource allocation.  相似文献   

18.
This research reports on public opinion surveys on intergovernmentaland federal issues conducted in Canada, Mexico, and the UnitedStates in March and April 2003. In all three countries, respondentsmost often see their federal government as being the least effective,least efficient, and least trustworthy. Respondents from Canadaappear least supportive of their federal government and mostsupportive of their local governments; those from Mexico appearmost supportive of their state governments; respondents fromthe United States appear more "balanced" in their support ofthe various orders of government. Also, far greater regionaldifferences in opinion exist in Canada than in Mexico or theUnited States. Support for more decentralized federalism isfound to be strong in all these federal countries. This researchalso updates long-term trend data for the United States. Comparedwith respondents from previous years, U.S. respondents in 2003showed a measurable uplick in support for the federal government,compared with state and local governments. This support seemsto be a carryover from the terrorist attacks of 11 September2001.  相似文献   

19.
政府机关人力资源管理在我国推行“人才强国”的战略中处于枢纽地位,它可以被看作一个主要由选人、育人、用人和留人四个环节进行循环运动以期达到整个人力资源管理动态平衡的生态环流系统。目前,由于四个环节在衔接上存在问题,导致政府机关人力资源管理系统的局部失衡,影响到整个系统的正常运行和政府效能的发挥。而要优化政府机关人力资源管理,最大限度地提高政府效能,就必须实现各环节的动态平衡和人力资源管理的优化。  相似文献   

20.
当代西方政府信任危机透析   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
民众对于政府的支持与信任是任何政权合法性的重要基础,也是任何政体正常运转的重要保障。20世纪末以来,西方民主国家中政府的公信力下降已经演化为一股国际性的趋势,成为各国政府面临的严峻问题。西方人民对政府的不信任是众多因素长期混合和交互作用的结果,包括政治选举、政府本身、利益集团、社会文化以及大众传媒等方面的原因。为了提高公民对政府的信心和满意度,巩固政权的正当性和合法性,西方国家采取了多样的手段,开始了塑造“公民性政府”的历程。我国在社会经济改革加速前进的过程中也伴生了一些严重影响政府信任的现象,在这方面,西方国家政府信任危机的内在症结及其解救的经验措施,对于我们提高政府公信力无疑具有重要的启示和借鉴意义。  相似文献   

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