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1.
The political and economic debacle in Zimbabwe has led to a large-scale influx of Zimbabweans into neighbouring South Africa. This article argues that there is a complex and significant link between the domestic response to this immigration influx and South Africa's foreign policy towards Zimbabwe. South Africa's foreign and security policy elite preferred to use an immigration approach of benign neglect as a tool to promote its ‘quiet diplomacy’ approach towards the Zimbabwean regime, treating the influx as a ‘non-problem’. But increased xenophobic violence, vigilantism and protests in townships and informal settlements against Zimbabwean and other African immigrants, culminating in widespread riots across the country in 2008, contributed to a change not only in immigration policy but also in the mediation efforts towards the Zimbabwean parties. I argue that this foreign policy change was pushed by a process of ‘securitisation from below’, where the understanding of Zimbabwean immigrants as a security threat were promoted not by traditional security elites but by South Africa's marginalised urban poor.  相似文献   

2.
Domestic terrorism, as a form of intrastate violence, has varied widely in South Asia along with the post-Cold War period of global economic integration and political openness. How are these two phenomena—economic integration and emergence of democracies—related to domestic terrorism in South Asia? I argue that resorting to terrorism is a rational choice when individuals'/groups' cost of heterogeneity—deprivation from public goods due to geographical and ideological distance—increases; opportunity is provided by democratization and integration into the global economy. The testable hypotheses derived from the theory are empirically tested on a dataset of five South Asian countries for the time period between 1990 and 2007. The results show that both minority discrimination and presence of unconsolidated democratic institutions increase terrorism in the highly heterogeneous South Asian countries. International trade in the presence of minority discrimination increases homegrown terrorism, but foreign direct investment neither increases nor decreases such incidents.  相似文献   

3.
This article examines the relationships between economic liberalization and democratization in South Korea. The two processes are often correlated, but in Korea liberalization has been problematic for democratization. Domestic liberalization initially expanded space for labour organizations, but after they appeared to become too active, the process was so managed as to block political activity. This also resulted from pressures brought on by international liberalization, which made competitive wage costs increasingly important and raised the prospect of disinvestment by Korean and foreign firms. Liberalization has not reduced the power of business (the chaebol). Deregulation and privatization have encouraged a transfer of public economic power to the private sector. The increased political role of business is not necessarily beneficial, and the chaebol's economic power represents a threat to democratization in a variety of ways. In previous decades state power rested on economic controls; and the main impetus for democratization has come from the expansion of civil society through economic development, rather than from economic liberalization. State intervention in the economy may continue to be required to protect the position of certain civil society groups and to control business power, but domestic and international liberalization have challenged both of these functions and may increasingly curtail them in the future. Thus, close examination of the specifics of liberalization in South Korea show no automatic positive correlation can be made between economic and political reform without risking either reductionism or reification.  相似文献   

4.
中国对东盟国家投资分析   总被引:7,自引:1,他引:7  
进入新世纪,在中国政府鼓励并积极支持具有比较优势的中国企业“走出去”到境外开展各种形式的互利经济合作的大背景下,中国对东盟国家的投资迅速发展,东南亚逐步成为中国企业投资的重点地区。中国对东南亚的投资行业、投资形式都出现了多元化的格局。中国对东盟投资在东盟吸引外资中所占比重仍然较小,但有非常大的发展潜力。  相似文献   

5.
This article analyses Brazil's growing role in external development assistance. During Lula da Silva's presidency, cooperation with developing countries grew dramatically. While the official position is that Brazilian development assistance is moved not by national economic or political interests, but by international ‘solidarity’, and does not reproduce the North–South traditional aid relations, we suggest that it is not completely divorced from national, sub-national or sectoral interests and cannot be viewed apart from Brazil's broader foreign policy objectives. Brazil does pursue political, economic and commercial interests and, concomitantly, has made a positive difference in the recipient countries. However, more empirical research and field investigation are needed to better gauge the impact of Brazil's assistance initiatives and their contributions to South–South cooperation more broadly. During Lula's terms (2003–2010), Brazil could be classified as a ‘Southern donor’, which expresses the country's own novelties, and tensions, of simultaneously being a donor and a developing country.  相似文献   

6.
Development cooperation is a foreign policy tool marked by deep-seated conflicts of interest and dilemmas of particular relevance to second-tier and non-nuclear countries that aim to change their international status and role. Building on the concept of ‘graduation dilemma’, this article compares specific dilemmas that Brazil and South Africa face in their foreign policies concerning the development cooperation agenda at three levels: the domestic, the regional and the global level. The research question guiding this analysis is: how does the graduation dilemma manifest in relation to Brazil and South Africa’s role in development cooperation?  相似文献   

7.
随着朝韩政治关系的缓和 ,双方的经贸合作发展十分迅速。目前 ,双方间贸易形式有3种 ,即商业贸易、委托加工贸易和非交易型贸易。 2 0 0 2年朝韩间的贸易额达 6 4亿美元 ,占朝鲜对外贸易总额的 1/4以上 ,在朝鲜吸引的外资中韩国更是首屈一指 ,在朝鲜 4个经济开发区及特区中有 2个是由韩国单独投资建立的。但双方在经贸合作中也存在一些亟待解决的问题 ,如商品进出口结构不合理、进出口能力差距悬殊等。从长远看 ,双方在共同发展与共同繁荣的原则下 ,将会继续扩大经贸方面的合作。  相似文献   

8.
托盘是物流产业中最为基本的集装单元,在商品流通中具有广泛的应用价值。托盘标准的选用直接涉及到国家经济安全和产业发展。从商品贸易的角度来看,托盘标准是一种贸易技术壁垒,能够起到增进商品出口或者保护国内市场的作用。从日韩关注中国托盘标准的背景下,分析中、日、韩双边贸易格局和T11标准的应用广泛程度,发现日韩不仅是我国最大的进口国,而且是最大的逆差国之一,T11在日韩国内和国际上的应用范围也并不广泛。如果我国选用T11,开展中、日、韩托盘共用合作,会加剧我国对日韩的贸易逆差,对我国经济产生不利影响。因此,我国政府应该暂缓采纳T11标准,灵活运用托盘贸易技术壁垒来保护国内产品市场。  相似文献   

9.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):35-50
This study applies a statistical model to examine the overtime relationship between military expenditure and economic growth in South Africa. The model is based on a neoclassical production function, and is developed and estimated for the time period 1950 to 1985. The results indicate that the size effects of military expenditure on economic growth are negative, while the externality effects of military spending are positive. In addition, decreasing foreign investment and increasing domestic unrest are found to have negative impacts on GDP growth. Labor employment is positively related to growth, but non‐white labor is more strongly significant than white labor. These results are consistent with previous cross‐section studies that find some evidence for positive and negative effects of military spending on economic growth.  相似文献   

10.
For all the promises of mutually beneficial cooperation, Chinese policy documents about the New Silk Road, also called ‘One Belt, One Road’, mostly testify to a strong ambition to unlock foreign markets and support domestic firms in taking on foreign competitors. This confirms China’s shift from defensive mercantilism, which aims to protect the home market, towards offensive mercantilism, which seeks to gain market shares abroad. In a context of global economic stagnation, this comes as a major challenge to Europe. As China’s market share grows spectacularly in countries along the New Silk Road, key European member states have both lost market shares and even seen their exports shrink in absolute terms.  相似文献   

11.
本文主要探讨马来西亚政府主导型金融体制形成的背景、特点及其在社会经济发展中的作用。马政府主导型金融体制的形成与战后马来西亚经济发展战略和政治社会的发展有关,并在保护本国金融部门发展、推动社会经济均衡发展方面成效显著。但这种政商结合体制在支持一批特殊企业集团形成与发展的同时,也掩盖了家族企业、政党企业和国营企业中的弊端与不足,不仅影响了金融体系的稳定性和对外竞争力,还在很大程度上制约了金融制度的改革与创新。  相似文献   

12.
The article raises questions such as: 'Is South African "economic" diplomacy primarily "economic"?' and 'how altruistic in intention are the diplomatic efforts currently being undertaken by South Africa?' These questions flow from the interplay between the premise that economic diplomacy seeks to serve economic interests through diplomatic means, and the pronouncements made by South African decision makers that point to a broader, more altruistic agenda being pursued. In exploring the political and economic elements of current South African economic diplomacy, some pertinent aspects of South Africa's foreign and economic policies are highlighted, and South African economic diplomacy is broadly sketched. The focus is on the post-1994 period, but developments are put in historical perspective. The article concludes that current South African economic diplomacy serves both economic and political interests and that it is deployed in an extremely complex environment in which it is virtually impossible to disentangle the economic from the political and the altruistic from self-interest.  相似文献   

13.
徐行 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(2):41-47
自中韩建交以来,大批韩国企业在津投资设厂对天津经济建设起到了推动作用,对韩国的经济发展也有促进作用。目前,韩资企业在津发展总体状态良好,但在经营中也遇到一些问题和困难。天津市各级政府要充分重视和尽快解决韩资企业存在的问题,为韩资企业创造一个良好的投资经营环境。从韩资企业角度看,如何发挥特长、增强竞争力,更好地利用天津的优势,加快自身的发展也是一个值得认真思考的问题。天津优越的地理位置和良好的工业基础对韩国企业界有很大的吸引力,而韩国企业家通过在天津的投资办厂和商贸活动也使自身大大获利。相信通过双方共同努力,一定会优势互补,共创双赢。  相似文献   

14.
中日两国人力资源管理特点的比较研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
夏光  陆珍珍 《东北亚论坛》2006,15(5):104-107
随着我国加入WTO,国内企业面临外来企业的冲击,为了能在这种冲击狂潮中生存,中国企业必须尽快建立自己的具有竞争力的人力资源管理模式。比较研究中日两国的人力资源管理模式和特点,可以证明两国的人力资源管理在改革方式、员工素质侧重、员工职业生涯规划、招聘、企业文化建设等方面存在差异。中国的人力资源管理模式还存在平均主义、论资排辈、任人唯亲、官本位等不足,需要中国的企业进行文化建设、设计完整的薪酬体系、加强员工培训及绩效管理等,以有效地促进中国人力资源管理的战略性发展。  相似文献   

15.
2003年10月在印尼巴厘岛举行的第9次东盟首脑会议上,各国一致同意到2020年建成“东盟经济共同体”的设想。与自由贸易区相比,经济共同体是一个更高层次的区域经济合作形成,它不仅要求包括商品、资本和劳动力等生产要素的自由流动,更重要的还要求成员国逐步协调产业、贸易、货币和对外政策。但由于东盟内部有着较大的差距,其合作机制也存在不少缺陷,使得“东盟经济共同体”发展面临不少困难和挑战。  相似文献   

16.
This study examines financial opening in middle-income countries and identifies the variables that shape its basic features. We find that the widely noted increase in international capital mobility has not constrained financial policy-making equally across states. A country's economic conditions and need for external funds determine its government's bargaining power vis-à-vis international actors and domestic groups with respect to financial policy. Governments with low bargaining power, because domestic economic conditions are poor or need for external funds is high, must open financial markets completely to attract or retain capital. Conversely, governments with high bargaining power may be able to retain some controls on capital flows or deny foreign banks access to domestic markets and still have access to capital.
To explore these issues, this article looks at opening in Chile, Mexico, South Korea, and Turkey. These countries opened their financial systems in very different ways. Turkey and Mexico liberalized their markets almost completely, whereas Korea (1980–98) kept barriers to capital entry and Chile (1991–98) retained barriers to capital exit. Although economic conditions explain the basic style of financial opening, they cannot account for the residual barriers that persist in mostly open markets or the pace and timing of reforms. Domestic political factors, particularly, the interests of leaders and key social groups as well as their relative bargaining power, help to explain these variables. The paper develops a typology of styles of financial opening to encourage systematic thinking about the origins and consequences of differences in style.  相似文献   

17.
俄罗斯远东地区由于具有丰富的资源和临近亚太地区,对国外的资金注入具有极大的吸引力。经济转轨以来,远东地区把发展外贸、吸引外资,作为加快地区经济发展,改革地区经济构成,促进工业现代化、丰富市场及加快向市场经济靠拢的重要措施。远东地区外资的分布不尽合理,各国投资的额度差距也很大。  相似文献   

18.
进退失据:检视李明博的内外政策   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
自李明博政府执政以来,韩国国内外政策起初设定的目标几乎全面落空.由于牛肉风波及接蹱而至的全球金融风暴,韩国经济大有陷入第二次金融危机之虞,不仅所谓的"747计划"很可能成为空中楼阁,而且李明博政府目前根本无力在国内达成应对危机所必需的政治共识.对外政策方面,韩美同盟修复与扩展的议程众多却无实质性举措,美国对朝政策的急剧变化更使韩国手足无措;韩中双边关系虽有提升之名却无突破之实,南北关系在朝方的步步紧逼之下更是走到了全面断绝的边缘.深陷内外危机,却处处应对失策,李明博政府的执政能力正经受严峻的考验.  相似文献   

19.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):291-313

This paper examines the seemingly complex linkage between domestic political conflict and external behavior by broadening our consideration of foreign policy behavior. Underlying this analysis is a view that there are elements of both assertiveness and caution in the political use of foreign policy by domestically threatened leaders. They act assertively to divert attention away from domestic issues and enhance the image of their regime, but at the same time they are likely to show some restraint in order to avoid costly military and economic reactions by foreign actors. It is hypothesized that domestic conflict affects the degree of independence, commitment, and intensity in a nation's foreign policy behavior, but no so much its foreign conflict. Supplementing this, the mediating role of another foreign policy property, substantive issue area, is examined as a means of identifying conditions under which the impact of internal unrest would be greatest. The results of the analysis are mixed, but they do lend credibility to the idea that domestic conflict is related to multiple dimensions of foreign policy. More broadly, they suggest that governments employ different foreign policy strategies in coping with different types of domestic political conflict.  相似文献   

20.
自经济转轨以来,俄罗斯企业面临诸多的困难,举步维艰。它们面临着入世的机遇。如能增加政府的政策支持,挖掘企业的内部潜力,发挥外贸的手段,就会使俄罗斯的企业在国内和国际市场上拓展空间,扩大竞争优势。彻底改变单一的能源外贸的被动局面,使俄罗斯真正融入世界经济一体化的进程中,已经成为俄罗斯需要解决的非常现实的问题。  相似文献   

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